France

Mr President of the General Assembly, Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads of State and Government, Ministers, Ambassadors, I speak here on behalf of a country that will never forget what nations can achieve when they are united: liberty. This year, France paid tribute to the peoples of the Americas, Europe, Africa, Asia, and Oceania who helped liberate it from Nazi control eight decades ago. Progress and peace. Freed, France founded with these peoples a community of free and sovereign states, capable of committing to one another and agreeing on what is essential. Hope—as we have seen again recently at the Olympic and Paralympic Games, hosted this summer by France in beauty, enthusiasm, and harmony among peoples. And yet, despite this joy, the Olympic truce—unanimously desired right here—remained a dead letter. The danger of empty words and powerless diplomacy is ever-present. Our organisation is facing what may be the greatest convergence of crises in its eight-decade history. There is a growing sense of losing control in the face of wars, climate change, increasing inequalities, and injustice. And every day, humanity seems to fragment further, when the circumstances demand strong, common, and effective responses. To give back to the words “united nations” their full meaning as a source of hope, we must come together again, as we once did, on a fundamental foundation. That is what I wish to speak about. First and foremost, we must restore trust and respect among peoples—concepts I see fading in our current debates. To do so, we must show equal concern for all those who suffer. I spoke here two years ago about avoiding double standards: one life equals one life. The protection of civilians is a binding norm and must remain our compass, especially as we mark the 75th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions. Let us not allow the idea to take hold, even for a moment, that the dead in Ukraine are the North’s concern, the dead in Gaza the South’s, or that the victims of conflicts in Sudan, the Great Lakes region, or Myanmar concern only a few isolated consciences. Regaining control and restoring trust therefore means seeking peace everywhere; tolerating no distinction when human dignity is at stake; tolerating no distinction when territorial integrity and state sovereignty are threatened. Today’s conflicts challenge our very ability to uphold the Charter of the United Nations. And when I see some proposing peace by demanding capitulation, I am astonished such an idea could even be supported. I want to reiterate how vital it is to protect civilians, humanitarian workers, and all those who serve our shared values in every one of these conflicts. Next, we must provide a collective response to the major crises affecting Europe and the Middle East. Russia is waging a war of territorial conquest in Ukraine, flouting the most fundamental principles of international life. It is guilty of grave violations of law, ethics, and honour. Nothing it is doing serves the common interests of nations or the particular responsibilities it holds within this organisation. Ukraine’s fate affects peace and security in Europe and globally. Who can still believe they are safe from stronger, more violent, more predatory neighbours if we allow Russia to prevail as if nothing had happened? No one. It is therefore in our shared interest that Ukraine be swiftly restored in its legitimate rights and that a just and lasting peace be built. France will continue to do all in its power to ensure Ukraine holds firm, is safeguarded, and achieves justice. France will continue to provide Ukraine with vital defence equipment, and alongside our closest allies and partners, we will support the Ukrainian people’s remarkable resistance and work to secure long-term peace. Let us seek peace. France will join forces with all sincere partners to build a lasting peace for Ukraine and for Europe. I know that for many of you, the core concern lies elsewhere—in the long list of forgotten wars, unjust victories, poorly negotiated or unimplemented resolutions. I forget none of them, even if I cannot mention them all here. President Tshisekedi spoke at this podium moments ago, and the situation in the Great Lakes—on which I will continue discussions with him and with President Kagame in the coming days—concerns us. In Armenia, Mr Prime Minister, where France stands firmly by your side in the face of pressure from Azerbaijan and contested territories, the international community must ensure that peace negotiations succeed and internationally recognised borders are respected. But I also know that for many of you, the central concern—beyond these wars—is in Gaza, where the fate of the Palestinian people looms large and weighs on all our discussions. On this deeply complex issue, I want to restate with utmost clarity France’s position from day one. We unequivocally condemn the horrific, unprecedented terrorist attack carried out by Hamas against Israel on 7 October. Terrorism is unacceptable, regardless of its cause. We mourn the victims of the Hamas attack, including 48 French citizens. I extend my compassion and solidarity to all the families grieving the loss of children, parents, and friends from that day. We again solemnly call for the release of all hostages, including several French nationals. I salute the efforts of the United States, Egypt, and Qatar to secure their freedom. This remains a priority for all of us. In the face of this terrorist attack, Israel has the legitimate right to defend its citizens and eliminate Hamas’s ability to strike again. None of us would have endured such an attack on 7 October without responding. However, the war Israel is waging in Gaza has lasted far too long. The tens of thousands of Palestinian civilian casualties are unjustifiable. Too many innocents have died, and we grieve for them as well. Their deaths are also a scandal for humanity and a dangerous source of hatred and resentment, threatening everyone's security—including Israel’s. This war must end. A ceasefire must be established as soon as possible, along with the release of hostages and a massive influx of humanitarian aid into Gaza. We have held this position since October 2023, advocating resolutions and hosting the first humanitarian conference for Gaza in Paris that November. Now, with Hamas’s military capabilities severely diminished, the way forward is a matter of political will. It is imperative to enter a new phase in Gaza: silencing the weapons, restoring humanitarian access, and protecting civilians. France will support any initiative that saves lives and ensures everyone’s safety. Deploying an international mission should pave the way to implementing the two-state solution. The UN Security Council must act, and urgent steps are needed to preserve the territorial link between Gaza and the West Bank, restore the Palestinian Authority’s role, rebuild the territory, and make life possible once more. France will do all it can to ensure the Palestinians finally have a state living alongside Israel. The terms of a just and lasting peace are well known. What remains is to set that path in motion—and it must be as short as possible. France will therefore follow through on its commitment to the two-state solution and renew efforts to bring it about, for the benefit of both peoples, in response to their legitimate aspirations: to bring about a Palestinian state, to guarantee Israel’s security, and to establish mutual recognition and shared security guarantees throughout the region. We will work on this in the coming weeks with Israelis, Palestinians, and all our regional and international partners. At this very moment, the greatest risk is escalation. My thoughts go to Lebanon and the Lebanese people. Hezbollah has for too long risked dragging Lebanon into war. Israel, for its part, cannot extend its operations into Lebanon without consequence. France demands that all parties uphold their obligations along the Blue Line. We will work to create the diplomatic space necessary to spare civilians and prevent regional conflagration. There must not, and cannot, be a war in Lebanon. We therefore call strongly on Israel to cease escalation in Lebanon and on Hezbollah to stop firing into Israel. We call on all those supplying them with the means to do so, to stop. We have called for the Security Council to meet today for this very purpose, and I welcome that decision. France’s Foreign Minister will travel to Lebanon at the end of this week. The same unity must be shown in the face of regional and global challenges. Beyond the conflicts I have mentioned, we must work together to respect each state’s sovereignty and build regional and international solutions to shared challenges. This is the essence of the relationship we seek with Africa—a new partnership that we have been building for the past two years. --- France has done much in recent years for the African continent—indeed, over the past decades—but particularly in the Sahel, where French forces fought terrorism successfully alongside regional and international partners. However, the military coups in the region have led us to draw the necessary conclusions. Yet Europe and Africa face a shared destiny, which demands a broad partnership—a partnership of peace and security that must be renewed with new terms: more training, more equipment, more mutual respect. A partnership also built on economic ties, energy, sport, culture, and memory. This is what we have patiently built over recent years with countries such as Benin, Senegal, Cameroon, Algeria, Morocco, and many others, and we will continue to implement it. The same philosophy has guided us for six years now as we build an unprecedented partnership with the Indo-Pacific, where France aims to contribute to upholding international law, without which there can be no prosperity. In this region, which has seen exceptional growth over the past decades, some are tempted to disregard rules or impose their will by force. France offers an alternative—not to replace anyone, but to restore agency to the states of the region, allowing them to choose their partners on a project-by-project basis. France’s territories in the Indo-Pacific bring unique expertise in the fight against climate change, biodiversity protection, clean energy development, and combatting transnational threats. Our vocation in the region is to cooperate more closely with all, in their context. You understand this logic of partnership is the one we pursue to build new balances, reject global fragmentation and outdated paradigms, and instead seek—through mutual respect—to construct paths toward stability and peace. Beyond this, the challenge we face, which has been jolted by the conflicts I have just mentioned, is that we risk losing the thread of our multilateral agenda and the effectiveness we hold dear. After the pandemic, which so powerfully reminded us of the importance of some of these shared challenges, we must not forget that we need to keep moving forward. I deeply believe that effective multilateralism has never been more necessary than it is today. It must yield results in development, in the fight against inequality—educational, health-related, climatic, and technological. On each of these pillars, we need unity. And we must also do everything to avoid deepening the divide between North and South. This is precisely the philosophy we have developed in the *Paris Pact for People and the Planet*, which more than 60 states have now joined. Firstly, we must ensure that we never push a state to choose between its goals. Why should Northern states lecture those in the South about respecting climate commitments and therefore forgoing economic opportunities—commitments Northern states themselves failed to uphold 20, 30, or 40 years ago? That is unacceptable and incoherent. We must therefore build an agenda that enables simultaneous progress in reducing inequality and advancing economic development—for education, the climate, biodiversity, and global health. Next, solutions must be shaped by the states themselves. That is what we have begun with our partnerships for just energy transitions. There should not be a single solution for everyone, nor lessons handed down from capitals where countries are inspected and asked to follow a uniform recipe. Every country has a unique path. That is the key to sovereignty. Then, we need a financial shock—public and a further leveraging of private funds. That is what enabled us, three years ago, to work for the expansion of IMF Special Drawing Rights and to achieve the effective reallocation of nearly $100 billion in SDRs to countries most in need—especially in Africa. A silent yet essential revolution. This is why, based on this pact, and working with several of you here, under the effective leadership of President Macky Sall and with the support of the UN, the OECD, and relevant organisations, we aim to continue this cycle of reform, and bring about a deep transformation of our multilateral development banks and financial institutions. We have launched this initiative of *Finance in Common*, bringing together development banks from around the world—including those with divergent agendas. We must work together on this finance agenda to achieve the goals I’ve mentioned. And together—hopefully in the coming months—we must reform the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in depth. Firstly, we must renew their membership. These institutions were created at a time when many of you here were not yet independent. Their capital structures must be reformed to give them greater capacity. The World Bank and the IMF were designed and calibrated in an era when the global economy was smaller, and demographics were entirely different. We must break absurd taboos—such as the blocking positions taken by some of the largest members who, fearing dilution, prevent others from increasing funding. We must empower these institutions to finance the projects needed by countries in the Global South. This reform is imperative for our collective credibility. I say this to the richest states—those seated with France at the table: choose not to act, and in the coming years, an alternative order will emerge. It will be built by those who do not share your agenda. Choose not to act, and you will be condemned, perhaps rightly, for cynicism. This reform of financial multilateralism is indispensable to meeting these challenges. We must also continue our climate and biodiversity agenda. The upcoming COPs are important milestones, and France will play its full part—especially by co-organising, with Costa Rica and under UN auspices, an important meeting on the oceans. Indeed, in June 2025, Nice will host the United Nations Ocean Conference. In doing so, we will continue our work—and I hope that many of you will ratify the advances made in recent months, particularly the High Seas Treaty, which is essential. We are also progressing on the issue of water—another essential topic—through the new One Planet Summit on water, alongside Kazakhstan and Saudi Arabia. I will not list here every necessary and vital issue. But I also wish to stress how Artificial Intelligence requires that all member states of this Assembly coordinate. We must promote innovation. We must ensure that the benefits of AI are accessible to all countries and all peoples—and that it does not widen existing fractures or create new inequalities. But we also need development to take place within an ethical, democratic framework—one shaped by the peoples of the world. We cannot allow a few actors—especially private ones, however advanced their innovations—to decide for us and for our people what the future of these technologies should be. That is why France will host the next *AI Action Summit* in February 2025. As you can see, the objective is to build a shared framework. I welcome the work conducted and coordinated by the Secretary-General and the Global Digital Compact, developed with leading experts, which fully embodies this philosophy to which we are committed. Let me conclude, Ladies and Gentlemen, conscious that I have left unmentioned many difficult situations—from Venezuela to the heart of Africa, to numerous tensions across the Pacific. I wish to close by speaking about our institutions. I hear many voices saying that the United Nations is obsolete, that it serves no purpose, that it cannot resolve conflicts. Let us have, in this regard, what I call a constructive impatience. Let us indeed be impatient—I am, with you. We cannot accept failing to resolve these issues. But let us also be clear: the responsibility lies here. As long as the Security Council remains blocked—mutually, by competing interests—we will struggle to make progress. Is there a better system? I do not believe so. Therefore, let us simply make the United Nations more effective—starting by making it more representative. That is why France reiterates its support for an expanded Security Council. Germany, Japan, India, and Brazil should become permanent members, as should two African countries chosen to represent the continent. Additional elected members should also be admitted. But reforming the Security Council’s composition will not, by itself, restore its effectiveness. This reform must also change its working methods—limiting the use of the veto in cases of mass atrocities, and focusing on the operational decisions required to maintain international peace and security. That is the courage and boldness we must find—and that we, the current permanent members, must carry forward. Nearly twenty-five years after the Millennium Summit, the time has come to recover our effectiveness and to act more robustly in support of states and civil society on the ground. Beyond the United Nations, we must usher in a new era for each of our multilateral institutions, as I have outlined. Ladies and Gentlemen, these are the few words I wished to share with you today. At a grave moment for our international order, as so many conflicts remain unresolved, I want to affirm that France will continue to advocate for this demanding path, faithful to its values—one that rejects easy simplifications and continues to fight for the simple principles that have always guided us: human dignity, adherence to the Charter, and a vision that extends beyond crises and current events—to help build, with you, a more just and effective international order. That shall be our voice—always singular, alongside our friends and allies, but also free, when needed, to say no, to reject the cynicism of the moment or the false certainties of the day. I thank you for your attention.