**Colleagues,**
It is an honour to stand before you once again and to speak about the state of the world as we see it. I have listened to many speeches, and when I reflect on the main theme of last week and the beginning of this week—"leave no one behind"—I must admit, we are in a rather special situation.
How can we explain this phrase to someone in Palestine, in Lebanon, in Kyiv, and in so many places across the globe affected by war? How can we say "leave no one behind" to those in countries where, following national elections, development aid for poorer nations has been cut? How do we say it to demonstrators outside who watch us gathered here, claiming to seek solutions to today’s global troubles? For them, we’re merely talking—not acting. We are like a barking dog with no teeth: always barking, but still leaving so many behind.
This may be a sobering introduction, but it reflects reality.
At present, there are 60 ongoing conflicts, with 50 more that could erupt tomorrow. That’s approximately 115 actual or potential conflicts—from Congo to Yemen, Sudan to Myanmar, Syria to Venezuela, Haiti to Libya, and Armenia to Azerbaijan. The entire world, geographically speaking, is affected by conflict. Some conflicts draw attention; others are overlooked but cause immense suffering.
Next week, I’ll attend a meeting of Francophone nations—and, to be properly welcomed, allow me to continue in French.
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**[Continues in French, translated to English below:]**
When we speak of major conflicts, let me begin with Ukraine. This week, we hosted President Zelensky. Many of us have visited Kyiv to support our Ukrainian colleagues. I recall the conversations we had. Today, I see one or two representatives of the Russian Federation in this room—this alone is a change, since they often leave the room when we speak.
So let me ask directly: **why this war?** Why?
At the start of the conflict, I chose—despite criticism—to engage in dialogue with both President Putin and President Zelensky, seeking a space for exchange. I won’t share my private conversation with President Putin, but I recall the arguments Russia made to justify the war: the alleged presence of Nazis everywhere in Ukraine, and the idea that Ukraine was a threat to Russia.
Starting a war is easy. **Ending one requires greatness.** We can organise peace conferences, but without Russia and China present, they serve only as **symbolic shows of support** for Ukraine. If we genuinely want a solution, **all partners must sit at the same table.**
Luxembourg is a small country. We’ve twice been victims of aggression—by neighbours who thought they knew better than we did what was good for our country. So we understand Ukraine’s suffering—what it means to have a larger neighbour presume authority.
Today, through the European Union, former enemies—Germany, France, Belgium—are now partners. The Treaty of Rome in 1957 launched the EU, first and foremost **a peace project**. Look at the map of global conflicts—Europe, while not perfect, **lives in peace**. From the Baltics to Portugal, from Greece to Ireland—it shows what can be achieved when nations choose dialogue over arms.
We must bring partners—**including Russia and China**—into peace talks, and **develop a real roadmap** for Ukraine’s future.
Luxembourg is doing what it can. We’ve supported **de-mining efforts**, especially knowing that decades after conflicts, people are still dying from unexploded mines—such as in Laos, which I recently visited. Even if the war in Ukraine ends tomorrow, mines will continue to kill. We must also support **deported children** and ensure **impunity is not the norm**.
When speaking of major conflicts, we cannot avoid the **Middle East**. This week, we discussed the **two-state solution**. Let’s be clear: **there will be no winner** in this war.
How can you tell a young Israeli that Palestine is a friend when his sister or brother is still held hostage by Hamas? How can you tell a young Palestinian that Israel is a neighbouring friend when he buried his parents yesterday?
We are provoking generations of hate—**20 to 30 years of deep resentment** that may prevent dialogue and entrench hostility. I heard Israel’s Prime Minister speak yesterday. Killing the head of Hezbollah won’t end terrorism—terrorist networks are like hydras: cut one limb, another grows.
**The best defence against extremism is hope.** If we fail to offer it, we risk creating a future generation of supporters for Hamas, Hezbollah—people trapped in hate.
There are **over 40,000 dead in Gaza**. **UNRWA**—an agency of this very institution—is now being **threatened by Israel as a "terrorist organisation"**. Over **200 UNRWA staff have died** doing their jobs in Palestine. Let us be clear: without UNRWA, there is no healthcare, no education, no food, no waste collection. It is **indispensable**.
If we accept its criminalisation, we open **Pandora’s box**. There is **no viable alternative** to UNRWA. Anyone claiming they can replace it tomorrow is being unrealistic. I urge all of you: **do not remain silent**.
I understand Israel’s right to self-defence, but even that has limits. What bothers me most is this binary logic: **you’re either for Israel or for Palestine**. Why can’t we be **for peace**? For **civilian populations**?
On recognition: Luxembourg is among the few countries that have not yet recognised Palestine. Several others have recently done so, and that’s commendable. But recognition should not be symbolic—it must have **impact**.
Let’s coordinate so that our actions have tangible effects. A two-state solution is essential. **Palestinian peace is Israeli security**—the two are intertwined. Without one, there is no other.
If coordination fails, I am considering establishing diplomatic missions in both Israel and Palestine—to symbolically recognise both.
Not long ago, we had a vote here on whether we accept the opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). We had asked for an opinion—so we must **respect it**, not pick and choose based on outcome. Either we believe in international law, or we don’t.
Now, let me speak about **the Sahel**. Years ago, we worked as partners. Today, coups have destabilised the region. People flee in fear of abuse by **putschist regimes**.
As Foreign Minister—but also as Minister for Development Cooperation—I recall the **Pact for the Future** and the **Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)** we agreed to. This year marks the **75th anniversary of the Geneva Conventions**, yet we seem to forget them.
As Minister for Cooperation, I’ve adopted new criteria. I do not dictate terms—we Europeans have too often presumed to know what’s best for Africa. Africans must chart their own path—but we must support them.
In my partnerships, I ask only one thing: **no backsliding**. I do not demand mineral resources, political influence, economic gain, or legal reform. I simply ask: **do not go backwards**.
Respect existing rights—**women’s rights**, **religious freedom**, **LGBTQ+ rights**. In some member states of this Assembly, women can no longer access education. Others prohibit religious practices. **I will not be silent.**
This week, I met with an African head of state. I raised these three principles. He told me, regarding LGBTQ+ rights, that **if his people considered homosexuality a crime, he would criminalise it**.
Mr President, being a head of state isn’t just following the majority—it’s also about **protecting minorities**. Diversity is a country’s strength. I will not impose laws on abortion, synagogues, mosques, or marriage equality—but **don’t reverse progress**. These are battles Europe has fought. Do not return to an era that does not serve you.
The **Pact for the Future** also includes **SDG 16**, on rule of law and justice. We hosted a meeting at our mission to discuss the rule of law. I won’t lecture anyone—some EU states themselves approach it flexibly, perhaps too much. But we must **defend the spine** of justice and women’s rights.
In Luxembourg, we debated offering financial bonuses to political parties that include more women. But why reward something that should be normal? Instead, we decided that parties **not** doing so would receive **less** funding. That’s logic, not incentives for what ought to be standard.
On the **environment**, the issue has faded somewhat. Remember the Fridays for Future protests? Then economic concerns overtook environmental ones. But some island states here risk **disappearing** altogether. Not Luxembourg—we are surrounded by France, Belgium, Germany. But others are not so lucky.
Let’s not leave a shameful legacy. The **COP in Baku** will be crucial. To our Azerbaijani friends: show us that peace with Armenia can be achieved before COP. Let us come to Baku with pride and purpose.
Lastly—about that barking dog with no bite. Yes, our rules—both in the EU and the UN—are relics of **World War II**. Five permanent members of the Security Council, with **no African representation**. In 2024, how can a body representing the world exclude an entire continent?
We’re told to add new permanent members. I don’t oppose it. But **expanding the circle of privilege won’t solve the problem**.
What’s needed is **veto reform**. Why not allow a two-thirds General Assembly vote to override a veto? That would restore accountability and make the system more effective.
To conclude, Mr President: being a permanent member of this house is **not a privilege**—it is a **responsibility**. The original purpose was to ensure peace. Some current members, however, are **obstacles** to peace.
My dream, Mr President, is that one day I can address this Assembly knowing that **regardless of where I am born, my colour, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or my parents’ income—I have the same rights, the same chances, and the same duties.**
Then I will be proud to belong to this international community.
**Thank you.**