Comoros

I wish to pay tribute to the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General for their dedication to their noble missions. For once, I do not wish to conclude my statement with the issue of the Comorian island of Mayotte, as I usually do. I should like to address that sensitive issue first. It affects not only the unity and integrity of the Comoros and its history and international law, but also peace in the region of the Indian Ocean. The General Assembly has condemned the French presence on the Comorian island of Mayotte several times, because the Comoros was admitted to the international community with its colonial borders, which include the islands of Mayotte, Anjouan, Moheli and Grand Comore. Despite many relevant and final United Nations resolutions and several consultations held on the island, France continues to hold referendums on Mayotte to definitively anchor that Comorian island to the French Republic. Those consultations have made it possible to change the status of the Comorian island of Mayotte several times — only within the framework of internal French law — until, through the most recent consultation, the island became the 101st French department. Moreover, it should be noted that the relations between France and the Comoros are unique. Indeed, despite the dispute arising from the separation of one island from its three sisters — thus handicapping the Comoros Archipelago by changing it into a three- legged cow, as President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane said — the Comoros, contrary to what one might think, enjoys a special partnership with France. France is present on the Comoros in the sense that, in the international community, it is always associated with major decisions that affect my country’s future. France remains the primary economic partner of the Comoros. It is one of the largest contributors of development assistance to my country. More than 200,000 Comorian citizens live on French soil. Those are just a few examples to demonstrate that no hostility exists between our two peoples or our two countries. And we are firmly resolved not only to 09-52320 2 continue that special partnership, but also to reaffirm it even more. However, this desire for harmony in no way constitutes a renunciation of our firm attachment to the territorial integrity of our country. That is why I have taken the initiative to come here to solemnly present to France, before the entire international community, a proposal to resolve this dispute. In fact, I propose to France that it recognize that the four islands of the Comoros Archipelago remain an indivisible nation based on the principle of one country, two administrations. By that principle, I mean that France recognizes the full sovereignty of the Union of the Comoros throughout its territory while continuing to administer the Comorian island of Mayotte. Obviously, both parties must reach agreement on the duration of the French presence on the Comorian island of Mayotte. On the other hand, we request that France actively assist in the economic development of the three other islands to achieve a certain balance throughout the Archipelago — a balance that will necessarily encourage a harmonious rapprochement among them and will enable the Comorian island of Mayotte to finally return to its natural home. This process will enable our brothers and sisters of Mayotte to maintain their social advantages and their standard of living and the other three islands to rise to the many development challenges they face. I am convinced that with the active participation of the whole of the international community these new proposals, which should become part of the negotiations between France and the Comoros, would lead to a happy outcome. France and the Comoros have nearly two centuries of life together, two centuries of shared history, culture and language. We do not have the right to spoil that patrimony by allowing misunderstandings to persist, by continuing to let play out the tragedies that make of the sea lane between Anjouan and Mayotte one of the greatest maritime cemeteries in the world. For all of these reasons we come here, in the full view of the world, to demonstrate our good will, which we dare to hope will never be obliterated by an attitude of inflexibility or intransigence. We meet every year in these prestigious surroundings to debate questions of peace, security and development. Unfortunately, we have to acknowledge that our joint efforts do not always lead to conclusive results, since as of today numerous challenges remain, and their consequences for our countries and our peoples are becoming ever more dire. Certainly, some progress can be seen here and there, yet our people continue to suffer hunger, malnutrition and sickness. Our children do not have the benefit of an education of the quality necessary to assure them a better future. Health care remains a luxury for most of our citizens. Some of our villages and even cities suffer a cruel lack of basic social services, indeed even of potable water and electricity. Finally, many of our countries, particularly small island States like my own, are threatened by multiple natural catastrophes whose consequences only aggravate an already fragile socio-economic situation. Certain of our nations are even at risk of no longer appearing on the map of the world in a few years. That catastrophic situation, which prevails in an era when, paradoxically, every day sees enormous technical and technological advances, must challenge and incite us to redouble our efforts to find appropriate responses. Thus a genuine international mobilization — especially on the part of those countries most equipped to face the challenges confronting us all — is required. We must take concrete, urgent and concerted action and make a determined stand against the consequences of the economic, financial and food crises that lash all our countries without distinction. I believe now is the time to demonstrate active solidarity and pragmatism if we want our words to translate into concrete actions and if we want to rekindle hope in our peoples, who have suffered more than enough. Obviously our developing nations are not asking for the moon — at least not for now. We merely ask that we join our efforts to satisfy the legitimate demands of our peoples, who only aspire to live better and with dignity, peace and peace of mind. Our Organization has a great role to play in the realization of that goal, and for its voice to reach as far as necessary we must all agree on the need to bring to its various branches the necessary reforms. Indeed, only an organization that is more representative, more democratic and more equitable in its various institutions will be in a position to better address the problems all countries face, to understand them and conceive the solutions most likely to produce more peace, stability and development. 3 09-52320 Furthermore, in the framework of respect for human rights and good international governance, the abusive use of universal jurisdiction should be fought by working for a better structure for such jurisdiction, but also to put in place an organ to regulate the principle of jurisdiction itself. A better definition of the concept of the responsibility to protect should also be sought, with sufficient time allocated to seriously consider its implementation. Peace and security remain essential conditions for the promotion of socio-economic development. Thus the conflict conditions that prevail in numerous regions of the world call out a challenge to us. We must show greater solidarity in regard to the populations of regions that for years on end have known only desolation, despair and humiliation. We should also celebrate the initiative undertaken by President Barack Obama in the Middle East, which offers the hope of seeing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict resolved through a solution that is just, equitable and acceptable to the parties involved — notably the solidification of the two-State principle, as stipulated by the various United Nations resolutions on the matter. Moreover, I take this opportunity to applaud the presence among us of His Excellency President Barack Obama, whose charisma, dynamism and sense of justice renew our hope to see the United States of America act with more engagement and pragmatism in the service of peace, justice and development in the world. I will not neglect to mention Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Great Lakes region and Darfur, where fratricidal conflicts only further exacerbate poverty and underdevelopment. We therefore urge the international community to offer its assistance to those brother countries so as to put an end to that unfortunate situation. I cannot close this chapter on crises and conflicts without wishing my Malagasy brothers and sisters complete success in the ongoing negotiations for a peaceful transition that quickly leads to peace and stability being restored in this sister island and to renewed efforts for its economic prosperity. Here, I would also like to reiterate the unwavering support of the Union of the Comoros to the People’s Republic of China and to the Kingdom of Morocco in their legitimate efforts to recover their territorial integrity. To conclude, I am greatly honoured to express the warm thanks and deep appreciation of the Comorian delegation to all the American authorities, in particular those of the State of New York, for the good arrangements to ensure us a pleasant stay in this great and beautiful country. (spoke in Arabic) I beseech God that we have a session that serves humanity.