On behalf of Her
Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Hellenic Republic, Ms. Dora Bakoyannis, who
unfortunately could not be in New York today, I would
like to address the General Assembly.
Allow me first to congratulate the President of
this body, Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki. I am confident
that his extensive prior experience will serve us well
and guide us through the trials that we are called upon
to address. I would also like to pay tribute to
Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his tireless efforts
to promote the work of the General Assembly during
its sixty-third session.
I cannot but take pride in addressing the General
Assembly of the most important ecumenical institution
humankind has ever created, the original idea of which
was initially conceived and put into practice by Greeks
25 centuries ago. The ancient Greek Amphictyony was
the precursor and matrix of the concept of
multilateralism, which is the only way to deal
effectively with the many and varied challenges faced
by the international community. The United Nations is
in fact, along with the various regional alliances and
organizations, the essential framework for joining
forces and collectively confronting our common threats
and promoting our common values.
Greece currently has the privilege of being at the
helm of one of the most important regional security
organizations, the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE’s
consensus-based decision-making process, along with
its comprehensive approach to security, is a testament
to the power of multilateralism. Greece has pledged to
be an honest broker and to work with every single
participating State to realize the common vision for
peace, security and development for all 56 members of
the organization. The Corfu Process, our common
promise to turn the page on European security within
the framework of a structured all-inclusive dialogue,
proves once more that where there is a will there is a
way.
Indeed, our annual gathering at the United
Nations is important, but it is not enough. What is
needed first and foremost is the political will to turn
words into deeds. We stand at a most critical juncture
27 09-53165
for our environmental, social and economic future, and
all of us — policy-makers, diplomats, scientists,
activists and concerned citizens alike — have a
responsibility to preserve the habitability of our planet
and hand over to our children a better world than the
one bequeathed to us.
It was Aristotle who said that nature acts as if she
foresees the future, and currently nature’s auguries are
not encouraging at all. We cannot afford to forget that
our planet is in a state of environmental emergency.
Scientific evidence on the issue is compelling. The
socio-economic impact of climate change on the global
economy, if left unchecked, is likely to dwarf the
current economic recession.
Now is the time to speed up our joint efforts to
effectively address the negative impact of climate
change, while respecting the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities and the respective
capabilities of each country. Copenhagen will be the
litmus test of our commitment to an ambitious, all-
inclusive climate change agreement.
The urgency of the situation is such that, if I may
paraphrase the man who first set foot on the moon,
even if man now takes a giant leap in trying to mitigate
the consequences of climate change, it will
unfortunately still only be a small step for mankind.
But small steps are important too. Greece continues to
strongly support the financing of climate change
adaptation and mitigation projects and of low-carbon
development strategies. We have repeatedly proven our
commitment to this effect by supporting the most
vulnerable countries’ adaptation to climate change
through the provision of a total sum of €21 million
through the end of 2011.
The challenges posed to all nations by the current
economic crisis require an ambitious and imaginative
range of responses that provide effective and lasting
solutions. The United Nations can play a vital role in
achieving these objectives. Our commitment to the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) needs to be
reaffirmed. Regenerating the world economy and
promoting sustainable pro-growth policies are
fundamental to solving the crisis and essential to
maintaining and improving progress towards the
achievement of the MDGs. Support for the most
vulnerable nations, which have been even more deeply
affected by food insecurity and climate change, is
where a special effort must be made.
Our action against hunger and want has not yet
produced the desired results, while humanitarian and
development aid needs to be streamlined in order to be
more effective and productive. Synergetic multilateral
action is urgently needed. People living on the edge
have run out of time. They need to know whether the
decisions of their leaders at the Pittsburgh summit are
the right decisions that will put us back on the road to
development.
We know that climate change, the economic crisis
and the North-South divide are exacerbating pressures
on people to migrate. These crises are creating living
conditions that contribute to one of the greatest
disgraces of humanity and one of the greatest insults to
human dignity — the modern slave trade or human
trafficking.
Some 192 million people have been forced from
the lands of their birth. Almost a million people have
been arrested since 2000 while trying to cross from
Turkey to Greece in their quest for a better life. This
modern form of the slave trade has claimed thousands
of lives. We owe it to them and to the people who have
lost their lives to change things, to fight traffickers and
work together to discourage illegal migration by
bringing development and giving a vision to countries
that migrants leave.
Athens will host the Global Forum on Migration
and Development from 2 to 5 November 2009. We seek
specific proposals for actions and policies and we want
to formulate best practices for adoption by the
participating States.
Terrorism continues to pose a serious threat to
international peace, stability and security. The
international commitment to confronting terrorism
must remain strong, and our efforts to successfully
address this challenge should be intensified. But if our
efforts are to be successful and self-sustaining, they
must garner the broadest possible consensus and
acceptance and be based on respect for the fundamental
principles of international law and international
humanitarian law and on full respect for and the
protection of human rights.
This brings me to an issue that has come to the
forefront of international attention and concern — the
issue of human rights. Respect for human rights is one
of the cornerstones of the contemporary legal order.
Human rights conventions and institutions have raised
the awareness and sensitivity of States, Governments,
09-53165 28
civil society, international organizations and
non-governmental organizations.
Greece has submitted its candidacy for a seat on
the United Nations Human Rights Council for the
period 2012-2015, as it wishes to play a proactive role
in the protection of human rights. We believe that the
Council can play a crucial role in the improvement of
the situation of human rights worldwide. That role
should not be restricted to pointing out the violators,
but should mainly help overcome shortfalls and
implement universal standards.
Interest in the protection of human rights must be
genuine and anthropocentric, and protection must be
carried out in full compliance with the fundamental
principles of international law and the Charter of the
United Nations.
We should award a special place to gender issues
in the system of human rights protection. Women’s
rights deserve all our attention, because they continue
to be violated systematically and flagrantly in many
corners of the world. Education and equal working
opportunities are key areas.
As I said earlier, Greece approached its current
term in office as OSCE Chair with a heightened sense
of responsibility and sensitivity, based on the belief
that security and stability are not and should not be a
zero-sum game. In the post-cold-war era, where
security challenges are multifaceted and interlinked,
the security needs of all States should be given due
consideration despite contradictory and often mutually
exclusive political perceptions of what is right and just.
Since January, our aim has been to build
consensus and achieve collective and comprehensive
solutions to deep-rooted and protracted conflicts,
convinced that enhancing the security of one will
undoubtedly enhance the security of all. Our efforts
have been based on mutual trust and confidence and on
the realization that security is both indivisible and
comprehensive. In some cases however, as in Georgia,
consensus has been elusive.
Our most important collective achievement has
been the launching of the Corfu Process, a profound
and open debate on the future of security in Europe.
The Corfu Process marks a pan-European effort to
revisit and redefine the broader European security
system. At the Athens Ministerial Meeting in
December, we aim to lay a solid foundation, so that our
dialogue will start producing tangible results.
A few days ago the Security Council adopted
resolution 1887 (2009), thus taking an important step
in the direction of advancing nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation. We applaud that important decision.
Yet, practical tools are essential for the achievement of
high-minded political goals such as this. Greece firmly
believes that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the
nuclear non-proliferation regime. Broad participation
in it, along with the conclusion of comprehensive
safeguards agreements and the implementation of the
additional protocol, is, beyond any doubt, the most
effective answer to threats of nuclear proliferation. It is
equally important to have additional ratifications of the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the early drafting
of a fissile material cut-off treaty.
As regards major international and regional
issues, conflicts and flashpoints, Greece fully
subscribes to the European Union (EU) policy and
action, as described by its presidency. The role of the
EU in the handling of a number of urgent and difficult
situations, such as piracy in Somalia, has proved to be
vital, successful and effective.
The broader region of South-Eastern Europe and
the Eastern Mediterranean is at the forefront of Greek
foreign policy. It is a vital region from a geopolitical
and geo-strategic perspective, but also one of the most
volatile areas of the world. Our vision for the region
incorporates the consolidation of security, stability and
development. Our aim is to work with all neighbouring
States in the region to promote stability, democracy
and robust economies, with the ultimate goal of
elevating the quality of life of the citizens to the
highest European standards. This vision is founded on
four pillars: first, the establishment and safeguarding
of good neighbourly relations; secondly, the full
integration of all the countries of South-Eastern Europe
into European and Euro-Atlantic structures; thirdly, the
enhancement and further deepening of regional
cooperation in the fields of infrastructure, economy
and trade; and, last but not least, the strengthening of
bonds and cultural interaction at the level of civil
societies. We are doing everything in our power to
materialize this vision.
We continue to build upon the agenda of the
Thessaloniki European Council of 2003, which laid the
29 09-53165
foundations for the integration of the Western Balkan
countries into the European Union, on the condition, of
course, that the accession criteria and requirements are
fully met. The prospect of a future within Europe for
almost all the Western Balkan countries is now within
reach and seems more feasible than ever.
At the same time, Greece is promoting regional
cooperation by financing of and participating in
significant infrastructure projects, and by joining
forces with other neighbouring countries to establish a
reliable and adequate energy-distribution network. It is
one of the top investment and trade partners in most of
the neighbouring countries, thus contributing to the
development of the entire area.
Above all, we are working hard to establish and
consolidate good neighbourly relations by pursuing and
promoting the peaceful settlement of disputes on the
basis of international law. However, long-standing
disputes persist. For the past 15 years Greece has
participated in United Nations-led negotiations on the
issue of the name of the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia. Greece has participated in good faith.
Regrettably, no substantive or tangible progress has
been made so far, despite the fact that Greece has taken
a huge step towards a compromise. We have accepted
the use of the term “Macedonia” along with a
geographical qualifier that reflects reality. Of the large
geographical region of Macedonia, only a part falls
within our neighbour’s territory. So how can this
country claim exclusive rights to the name? The
persistence of the leadership in Skopje in claiming
exclusive rights to the name by denying a geographic
qualifier and the anachronistic rhetoric and policies
that run contrary to the principle of good neighbourly
relations raise serious questions as to that
Government’s real motives. Greece is negotiating for a
solution that will respect the dignity of both countries
and both peoples. We are negotiating for a clear
solution to which both sides will agree and which our
neighbour will use with pride in its dealings with
everyone — a solution that will make everyone a
winner.
The Cyprus issue is still an open wound at the
very heart of Europe. Thanks to the efforts of President
Christofias, a new round of talks has started under the
auspices of the United Nations. This gives rise to hope,
but there is still a long way to go, and there are many
hurdles and difficulties to overcome. Greece supports a
definitive, sustainable and just solution, based on the
United Nations resolutions and compatible with
European Union values, principles and institutional
framework, one that will lead to the reunification of the
island. We strongly believe that the two communities
should be left alone, with no external pressures,
guidance or interventions, to decide on their common
future. The solution must be theirs and theirs alone.
Artificial deadlines, strict time frames and threats of a
permanent division have no role in the quest for a
durable solution. They add unnecessary pressure and
strain to the delicate negotiating process and raise
questions about the true intentions of those promoting
them.
The current situation in Cyprus is unacceptable.
Turkish military forces continue to occupy part of the
territory of a European Union member State. Turkey —
a European Union candidate — refuses to recognize a
fully fledged European Union member and future
partner. Once-vibrant cities like Famagusta remain
ghost towns. The families of missing persons continue
to wonder about their loved ones’ fates, while the
unspeakable atrocities of the past come to light, little
by little. This picture is unimaginable in the eyes of the
average European citizen and completely incompatible
with today’s European reality. We hope that the Cypriot
people — both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots —
will be able to leave behind the painful past and look,
reunited, to the future that awaits them within the
European family, which constitutes the best guarantee
for their security and prosperity. Turkey, which holds
the key to the solution of the Cyprus issue, knows full
well that such a solution would also speed up its own
journey to the European Union.
Greece is probably the most sincere supporter of
Turkey’ s accession to the European Union — and this
is true even at a difficult time. It is our conviction that
Turkey would be a better neighbour for Greece if it
carried out all necessary reforms and became a
European Union member State. Turkish membership
would contribute to stability in our region. Yet, this is
not a blank check, nor is it a leap of faith. In order to
become a member of the European Union, Turkey will
have to fulfil all the criteria set by the European Union.
The Government I represent has invested in
Greek-Turkish rapprochement. Kostas Karamanlis is
the first Greek Prime Minister to have paid an official
visit to Ankara in 40 years. We dared to turn the page.
We went beyond words, but we have not seen an active
response from the other side. Turkey declares that it
09-53165 30
wants zero problems with its neighbours. Yet, Turkish
fighter jets kept flying only a few metres above the
rooftops of Greek islanders’ homes throughout the
summer. The Turkish Parliament maintains a threat of
war against my country.
Disputes should be settled peacefully and in
accordance with international law. The United Nations
Convention on the Law of the Sea, which embodies
customary law, shows the way to settle maritime
boundary disputes peacefully. Greece would welcome a
decision by Turkey to follow the example of the other
160 Members of the United Nations that have ratified
the Convention. Such a move, along with clear
political will on the Turkish side to invest in friendly
relations with Greece, could strike a definitive blow to
the tensions and mistrust in our bilateral relations and
contribute to the promotion of peace and stability in
our entire region.
Aristotle proposed that it is possible to fail in
many ways, while to succeed is possible in only one
way. It is our conviction that this one way is effective
multilateralism led by the United Nations. We need the
leadership of the United Nations, if we are to carry out
our ultimate mission — safeguarding the dignity, lives
and freedoms of the citizens we represent. We need to
give the Secretary-General the tools to guide this
Organization, so that the United Nations can once
again take up its central role in international life and
meet the myriad challenges facing humanity. We have
to identify the weaknesses of the United Nations and
we must have the courage to redress them, using
common sense, just as we would do at home, in our
countries, because every failure of the United Nations
is a personal failure for each and every one of us, and
because the world is changing, and we have to change
with it.