On behalf of Her Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Hellenic Republic, Ms. Dora Bakoyannis, who unfortunately could not be in New York today, I would like to address the General Assembly. Allow me first to congratulate the President of this body, Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki. I am confident that his extensive prior experience will serve us well and guide us through the trials that we are called upon to address. I would also like to pay tribute to Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his tireless efforts to promote the work of the General Assembly during its sixty-third session. I cannot but take pride in addressing the General Assembly of the most important ecumenical institution humankind has ever created, the original idea of which was initially conceived and put into practice by Greeks 25 centuries ago. The ancient Greek Amphictyony was the precursor and matrix of the concept of multilateralism, which is the only way to deal effectively with the many and varied challenges faced by the international community. The United Nations is in fact, along with the various regional alliances and organizations, the essential framework for joining forces and collectively confronting our common threats and promoting our common values. Greece currently has the privilege of being at the helm of one of the most important regional security organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE’s consensus-based decision-making process, along with its comprehensive approach to security, is a testament to the power of multilateralism. Greece has pledged to be an honest broker and to work with every single participating State to realize the common vision for peace, security and development for all 56 members of the organization. The Corfu Process, our common promise to turn the page on European security within the framework of a structured all-inclusive dialogue, proves once more that where there is a will there is a way. Indeed, our annual gathering at the United Nations is important, but it is not enough. What is needed first and foremost is the political will to turn words into deeds. We stand at a most critical juncture 27 09-53165 for our environmental, social and economic future, and all of us — policy-makers, diplomats, scientists, activists and concerned citizens alike — have a responsibility to preserve the habitability of our planet and hand over to our children a better world than the one bequeathed to us. It was Aristotle who said that nature acts as if she foresees the future, and currently nature’s auguries are not encouraging at all. We cannot afford to forget that our planet is in a state of environmental emergency. Scientific evidence on the issue is compelling. The socio-economic impact of climate change on the global economy, if left unchecked, is likely to dwarf the current economic recession. Now is the time to speed up our joint efforts to effectively address the negative impact of climate change, while respecting the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and the respective capabilities of each country. Copenhagen will be the litmus test of our commitment to an ambitious, all- inclusive climate change agreement. The urgency of the situation is such that, if I may paraphrase the man who first set foot on the moon, even if man now takes a giant leap in trying to mitigate the consequences of climate change, it will unfortunately still only be a small step for mankind. But small steps are important too. Greece continues to strongly support the financing of climate change adaptation and mitigation projects and of low-carbon development strategies. We have repeatedly proven our commitment to this effect by supporting the most vulnerable countries’ adaptation to climate change through the provision of a total sum of €21 million through the end of 2011. The challenges posed to all nations by the current economic crisis require an ambitious and imaginative range of responses that provide effective and lasting solutions. The United Nations can play a vital role in achieving these objectives. Our commitment to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) needs to be reaffirmed. Regenerating the world economy and promoting sustainable pro-growth policies are fundamental to solving the crisis and essential to maintaining and improving progress towards the achievement of the MDGs. Support for the most vulnerable nations, which have been even more deeply affected by food insecurity and climate change, is where a special effort must be made. Our action against hunger and want has not yet produced the desired results, while humanitarian and development aid needs to be streamlined in order to be more effective and productive. Synergetic multilateral action is urgently needed. People living on the edge have run out of time. They need to know whether the decisions of their leaders at the Pittsburgh summit are the right decisions that will put us back on the road to development. We know that climate change, the economic crisis and the North-South divide are exacerbating pressures on people to migrate. These crises are creating living conditions that contribute to one of the greatest disgraces of humanity and one of the greatest insults to human dignity — the modern slave trade or human trafficking. Some 192 million people have been forced from the lands of their birth. Almost a million people have been arrested since 2000 while trying to cross from Turkey to Greece in their quest for a better life. This modern form of the slave trade has claimed thousands of lives. We owe it to them and to the people who have lost their lives to change things, to fight traffickers and work together to discourage illegal migration by bringing development and giving a vision to countries that migrants leave. Athens will host the Global Forum on Migration and Development from 2 to 5 November 2009. We seek specific proposals for actions and policies and we want to formulate best practices for adoption by the participating States. Terrorism continues to pose a serious threat to international peace, stability and security. The international commitment to confronting terrorism must remain strong, and our efforts to successfully address this challenge should be intensified. But if our efforts are to be successful and self-sustaining, they must garner the broadest possible consensus and acceptance and be based on respect for the fundamental principles of international law and international humanitarian law and on full respect for and the protection of human rights. This brings me to an issue that has come to the forefront of international attention and concern — the issue of human rights. Respect for human rights is one of the cornerstones of the contemporary legal order. Human rights conventions and institutions have raised the awareness and sensitivity of States, Governments, 09-53165 28 civil society, international organizations and non-governmental organizations. Greece has submitted its candidacy for a seat on the United Nations Human Rights Council for the period 2012-2015, as it wishes to play a proactive role in the protection of human rights. We believe that the Council can play a crucial role in the improvement of the situation of human rights worldwide. That role should not be restricted to pointing out the violators, but should mainly help overcome shortfalls and implement universal standards. Interest in the protection of human rights must be genuine and anthropocentric, and protection must be carried out in full compliance with the fundamental principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We should award a special place to gender issues in the system of human rights protection. Women’s rights deserve all our attention, because they continue to be violated systematically and flagrantly in many corners of the world. Education and equal working opportunities are key areas. As I said earlier, Greece approached its current term in office as OSCE Chair with a heightened sense of responsibility and sensitivity, based on the belief that security and stability are not and should not be a zero-sum game. In the post-cold-war era, where security challenges are multifaceted and interlinked, the security needs of all States should be given due consideration despite contradictory and often mutually exclusive political perceptions of what is right and just. Since January, our aim has been to build consensus and achieve collective and comprehensive solutions to deep-rooted and protracted conflicts, convinced that enhancing the security of one will undoubtedly enhance the security of all. Our efforts have been based on mutual trust and confidence and on the realization that security is both indivisible and comprehensive. In some cases however, as in Georgia, consensus has been elusive. Our most important collective achievement has been the launching of the Corfu Process, a profound and open debate on the future of security in Europe. The Corfu Process marks a pan-European effort to revisit and redefine the broader European security system. At the Athens Ministerial Meeting in December, we aim to lay a solid foundation, so that our dialogue will start producing tangible results. A few days ago the Security Council adopted resolution 1887 (2009), thus taking an important step in the direction of advancing nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. We applaud that important decision. Yet, practical tools are essential for the achievement of high-minded political goals such as this. Greece firmly believes that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Broad participation in it, along with the conclusion of comprehensive safeguards agreements and the implementation of the additional protocol, is, beyond any doubt, the most effective answer to threats of nuclear proliferation. It is equally important to have additional ratifications of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the early drafting of a fissile material cut-off treaty. As regards major international and regional issues, conflicts and flashpoints, Greece fully subscribes to the European Union (EU) policy and action, as described by its presidency. The role of the EU in the handling of a number of urgent and difficult situations, such as piracy in Somalia, has proved to be vital, successful and effective. The broader region of South-Eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean is at the forefront of Greek foreign policy. It is a vital region from a geopolitical and geo-strategic perspective, but also one of the most volatile areas of the world. Our vision for the region incorporates the consolidation of security, stability and development. Our aim is to work with all neighbouring States in the region to promote stability, democracy and robust economies, with the ultimate goal of elevating the quality of life of the citizens to the highest European standards. This vision is founded on four pillars: first, the establishment and safeguarding of good neighbourly relations; secondly, the full integration of all the countries of South-Eastern Europe into European and Euro-Atlantic structures; thirdly, the enhancement and further deepening of regional cooperation in the fields of infrastructure, economy and trade; and, last but not least, the strengthening of bonds and cultural interaction at the level of civil societies. We are doing everything in our power to materialize this vision. We continue to build upon the agenda of the Thessaloniki European Council of 2003, which laid the 29 09-53165 foundations for the integration of the Western Balkan countries into the European Union, on the condition, of course, that the accession criteria and requirements are fully met. The prospect of a future within Europe for almost all the Western Balkan countries is now within reach and seems more feasible than ever. At the same time, Greece is promoting regional cooperation by financing of and participating in significant infrastructure projects, and by joining forces with other neighbouring countries to establish a reliable and adequate energy-distribution network. It is one of the top investment and trade partners in most of the neighbouring countries, thus contributing to the development of the entire area. Above all, we are working hard to establish and consolidate good neighbourly relations by pursuing and promoting the peaceful settlement of disputes on the basis of international law. However, long-standing disputes persist. For the past 15 years Greece has participated in United Nations-led negotiations on the issue of the name of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Greece has participated in good faith. Regrettably, no substantive or tangible progress has been made so far, despite the fact that Greece has taken a huge step towards a compromise. We have accepted the use of the term “Macedonia” along with a geographical qualifier that reflects reality. Of the large geographical region of Macedonia, only a part falls within our neighbour’s territory. So how can this country claim exclusive rights to the name? The persistence of the leadership in Skopje in claiming exclusive rights to the name by denying a geographic qualifier and the anachronistic rhetoric and policies that run contrary to the principle of good neighbourly relations raise serious questions as to that Government’s real motives. Greece is negotiating for a solution that will respect the dignity of both countries and both peoples. We are negotiating for a clear solution to which both sides will agree and which our neighbour will use with pride in its dealings with everyone — a solution that will make everyone a winner. The Cyprus issue is still an open wound at the very heart of Europe. Thanks to the efforts of President Christofias, a new round of talks has started under the auspices of the United Nations. This gives rise to hope, but there is still a long way to go, and there are many hurdles and difficulties to overcome. Greece supports a definitive, sustainable and just solution, based on the United Nations resolutions and compatible with European Union values, principles and institutional framework, one that will lead to the reunification of the island. We strongly believe that the two communities should be left alone, with no external pressures, guidance or interventions, to decide on their common future. The solution must be theirs and theirs alone. Artificial deadlines, strict time frames and threats of a permanent division have no role in the quest for a durable solution. They add unnecessary pressure and strain to the delicate negotiating process and raise questions about the true intentions of those promoting them. The current situation in Cyprus is unacceptable. Turkish military forces continue to occupy part of the territory of a European Union member State. Turkey — a European Union candidate — refuses to recognize a fully fledged European Union member and future partner. Once-vibrant cities like Famagusta remain ghost towns. The families of missing persons continue to wonder about their loved ones’ fates, while the unspeakable atrocities of the past come to light, little by little. This picture is unimaginable in the eyes of the average European citizen and completely incompatible with today’s European reality. We hope that the Cypriot people — both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — will be able to leave behind the painful past and look, reunited, to the future that awaits them within the European family, which constitutes the best guarantee for their security and prosperity. Turkey, which holds the key to the solution of the Cyprus issue, knows full well that such a solution would also speed up its own journey to the European Union. Greece is probably the most sincere supporter of Turkey’ s accession to the European Union — and this is true even at a difficult time. It is our conviction that Turkey would be a better neighbour for Greece if it carried out all necessary reforms and became a European Union member State. Turkish membership would contribute to stability in our region. Yet, this is not a blank check, nor is it a leap of faith. In order to become a member of the European Union, Turkey will have to fulfil all the criteria set by the European Union. The Government I represent has invested in Greek-Turkish rapprochement. Kostas Karamanlis is the first Greek Prime Minister to have paid an official visit to Ankara in 40 years. We dared to turn the page. We went beyond words, but we have not seen an active response from the other side. Turkey declares that it 09-53165 30 wants zero problems with its neighbours. Yet, Turkish fighter jets kept flying only a few metres above the rooftops of Greek islanders’ homes throughout the summer. The Turkish Parliament maintains a threat of war against my country. Disputes should be settled peacefully and in accordance with international law. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which embodies customary law, shows the way to settle maritime boundary disputes peacefully. Greece would welcome a decision by Turkey to follow the example of the other 160 Members of the United Nations that have ratified the Convention. Such a move, along with clear political will on the Turkish side to invest in friendly relations with Greece, could strike a definitive blow to the tensions and mistrust in our bilateral relations and contribute to the promotion of peace and stability in our entire region. Aristotle proposed that it is possible to fail in many ways, while to succeed is possible in only one way. It is our conviction that this one way is effective multilateralism led by the United Nations. We need the leadership of the United Nations, if we are to carry out our ultimate mission — safeguarding the dignity, lives and freedoms of the citizens we represent. We need to give the Secretary-General the tools to guide this Organization, so that the United Nations can once again take up its central role in international life and meet the myriad challenges facing humanity. We have to identify the weaknesses of the United Nations and we must have the courage to redress them, using common sense, just as we would do at home, in our countries, because every failure of the United Nations is a personal failure for each and every one of us, and because the world is changing, and we have to change with it.