Georgia

It is always a great honour for me to address the General Assembly. The Assembly gives us a unique opportunity to debate the key challenges of our world and time, and to identify and confront the problems that our nations are facing. It is a moment of collective ref lection and it should be a moment of truth. Today, 20 months after the act of despair of a young Tunisian citizen that strongly shook the world and generated so many hopes around the globe, many people have doubts. Some are telling us that the images of liberation and joy seen around the world have been replaced by broken promises, despair and chaos, that the world was better off when fewer people were free, and that the international system was more stable when fewer societies were open. I have come here today to make the opposite argument. I have come here today to make the case for open societies. After the horrible attack on the United States consulate in Benghazi and the death of Ambassador Chris Stevens, I called the American Ambassador in Georgia to convey my condolences and to speak to him, to share my sorrow and express my support for this unique nation. I was struck by what he told me. I was struck by the fact that American diplomats, beyond their pain and their anger, still believed so clearly that the liberation of Libya was fundamentally a good thing. Just a few days ago, the United States Ambassador in my country was proved right by the demonstrations held by the citizens of Benghazi, who went out to protest against extremist militias and to show their support for the achievement of peace and prosperity in their own country. I was also struck by the visit last week to the United States by Aung San Suu Kyi, the joyous reception that America gave her, and her desire to come and tell her story with serenity and determination, a story of progress towards freedom in the face of seemingly impossible odds. Twenty months after the act of despair and tragic death of Mohamed Bouazizi, there are many who doubt the cause to which Ambassador Stevens gave his life, who doubt the vision of Aung San Suu Kyi, who doubt freedom. I am totally certain that the skeptics are wrong. A free society has never meant a society without problems. On the contrary, an open society has problems, exposes them, shows them, deals with them and does not neglect them, because it keeps arguments open and gives Government a chance to be accountable. An open society is a place where improvements are often reached through noisy, painful and chaotic processes. Montesquieu wrote a long time ago that if everyone agrees with the Government and everyone agrees with one another, that is not a country; that is a cemetery. I speak from personal experience. My own country confronted democracy’s challenges once again this past week when evidence emerged of abuses in our prison system. The facts were sickening, and our responsibility was clear. Our reaction was swift, and we did what democracies must do. We identified those responsible, and they were all arrested. Two Government Ministers have resigned, and we put in charge of the prison system its fiercest critic: the Georgian human rights defender, Georgia’s ombudsman. That is how democracies learn; that is how we improve. That is how my own Government has overcome past errors and challenges to emerge stronger, more effective and ever more committed to building and institutionalizing an open society. It is clear that there are no shortcuts to accountability, and no fast-track lines to freedom. Building and maintaining an open society entails a painful learning process and significant risk-taking. But the conclusion we must draw in this respect, from Georgia to the events in Myanmar, is this: such risks are worth taking. I am speaking to the Assembly on the eve of crucial elections in my country. I realize clearly the magnitude of the challenges that face this body and this troubled world, from the menace of nuclear proliferation to global warming and poverty. But today I ask for the Assembly’s attention with respect to the events unfolding in Georgia, because I believe that they are part of the broader, global question facing us today: whether the quest for democracy and freedom can and will endure. I came here to say that Georgia will remain an open society. That is the choice of our citizens, and there is no alternative to this. On 1 October, my nation will vote in parliamentary elections. We look forward to that day and to the opportunity to renew and strengthen the fundamental social contract that allows citizens to freely judge and choose their leaders. Georgia has conducted several elections in recent years, all of which were monitored by international observers and all of which were free and fair. We live in a world in which yesterday’s accomplishments are never enough, and I have made a commitment to the effect that this year’s vote will be even more free and fair than the previous ones. We have taken numerous steps to pursue that goal. We have increased public funding and given free airtime on all national channels for ads from all political parties, in addition to whatever they can buy with their own money. We have proposed to all national television channels a “must carry/must offer” requirement, to ensure that all private cable networks, large and small, broadcast all news-based television, and they have accepted that proposal. We have welcomed the first televised debate in our country’s history between candidates for Prime Minister and heads of candidate lists. We have initiated a code of conduct to eradicate political intimidation, the use of administrative resources, vote-buying, campaign- related violence and hate speech in any shape or form, which for so many years was used to promote hatred against ethnic and religious minorities. Regrettably, not all actors in the Georgian political arena share those principles, and some are purposefully working to undermine the legitimacy of Georgia’s democratic institutions — how they are perceived at home and by the international community. Our response to deliberate attempts to short- circuit our democracy is straightforward: democratic, transparent and rule-of-law-based processes will not be compromised. This is not only my demand; it is the demand of the people of Georgia. Georgia is a young democracy, and we know the value that comes from partnerships and engagement with the international community. As in the past, we have once again opened our doors and invited credible international election monitors to visit our country, including the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Parliament, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, the United States Congress and respected international non-governmental organizations. To date, the interim reports of almost every election observation mission have consistently underscored that these are the most competitive elections in Georgia’s history. On 1 October, notwithstanding significant attempts to undermine that dynamic, the Georgian people will make their decision. I am confident that Georgian democracy will prevail and reject those who seek to close Georgia’s doors. Georgian democracy will prevail if, and only if, Georgian elections remain a Georgian process. Today, in this forum, I am obliged to draw the Assembly’s attention to externally generated security threats to my country. The European Union monitoring mission has just announced that Russian forces are currently undertaking a massive, illegal military buildup, occupying territory inside Georgia, on the former territory of South Ossetia, which is within Georgia’s internationally recognized borders. Even as we speak, they are bringing offensive weapons and troops inside our internationally recognized borders. The Russian military has made the extraordinary decision to hold large-scale military exercises in the North and the South Caucasus on the eve and around the time of our elections. One cannot imagine an approach more provocative and irresponsible than that of mobilizing military forces during this crucial moment of any nation’s democratic life. There has been involvement by Russia for months: first, billions of dollars in Russian money came into the Georgian election campaign. Lots of other resources were allocated, and now Russian troops are trying to be some kind of background players in this process. That is why I call today on all our allies and friends, and all members of goodwill in the international community, not to ignore or dismiss this worrisome development. I would like to use this opportunity to ask the world to pay attention during the next few days, to speak in a unified voice against these threats, in support of our sovereignty and democratic institutions. In short, the vigilance and engagement of Member States is required to ensure that history does not repeat itself and that 2012 does not become a repeat of 2008, or especially of 1921, when Russia ended our independence and we became a place that was dominated by violence and oppression for 70-plus years. We should look at what has happened in recent years. We had a massive-scale invasion by Russia, the successor to the Soviet Union, in 2008. We are a country of just 4.7 million people — less than 5 million people — and that country is 100 times larger, and well armed. If we look at history, we see that during the twentieth century it invaded many countries. The Soviet Union invaded Baltic countries; it invaded large parts of Poland and ended its independence. In 1956 the Soviet Union invaded Hungary, killed its President and ended its independence. In 1968 it invaded Czechoslovakia, deposed its Government and ended its independence. In 1979 it invaded a much bigger country than Georgia, Afghanistan, killed its President within one hour and ended its independence. In 2008 it invaded our country, a smaller country than any of those I have mentioned, and occupied part of its territory. However, none of the strategic goals of the Russian invasion was achieved. They had three explicit goals in invading Georgia. The first was to depose the Georgian Government, end Georgian democracy and physically destroy Georgia’s leadership. Those are not my words or a conspiracy theory. That is what they themselves overtly stated in every open and closed international forum. The second goal was to shut off the energy supply for different regions of the world and to monopolize the energy supply in the part of the world where Russia lies. That totally failed. Georgia is developing and its energy corridor is developing. The third goal was to stop the enlargment of NATO and to halt any kind of inclusion of the region into international organizations. Russia also failed at that goal. We often say that after the Russians failed to physically destroy the Georgian leadership, failed to succeed in any of the purposes of their invasion and basically were forced to stay where they are, within occupied territories — in what most of the world and most international organizations call illegally occupied territories, meaning that they will have to withdraw — now they are trying to undermine us because they have a strong sense of unfinished business. It is not just the fate of a small country of less than 5 million people that is being played out in this scenario. The fate of the whole post-Soviet space is being played out, affecting 400 to 500 million people. Because Russia failed to destroy Georgian democracy in 2008, countries in Central Asia such as Ukraine and Belarus, people in the Republic of Moldova and Eastern Europe, all think that freedom is the right choice after all and that even the smallest free country cannot be undermined and destroyed if it stands strong and united and if the international community is there to help. That sets a very bad example from the Russian point of view. On the other hand, because of Georgia’s reforms and because of our openness to the great nation of Russia, we introduced visa-free travel for tourists from Russia. One million tourists will travel to Georgia from Russia this year and they will take back 1 million stories of successful development, of a country with new hospitals, with new cities, with sharply reduced poverty — a country moving towards universal health coverage and that has enjoyed double-digit growth, and is this year enjoying 8 per cent growth. It is a country that, even without oil and gas, is looking much better than most of the Russian region. Indeed, Russia’s then- President Medvedev had to acknowledge twice in one week, in an open forum of journalists and his own parliament, that Georgian reforms were so successful that Russia had no choice but to study and copy them, even if they hate the Georgian leadership. That is the ideological issue. That is why they want us out. That is why they want Georgia off the map. It is because if Georgia survives and if Georgia continues, it sets a bad example for all the others, including the Russian people themselves, from the point of view of the present Russian Government. The prison scandal we had recently involved things that happen almost every day in Russia, and are reported on social media in Russia as frequently, and no one there gives a damn about it. In the first case that came up in Georgia, two ministers and scores of others were arrested, which also sets a bad example in the eyes of people who want to suppress freedom. That is why it is so important that Georgian democracy is back and safe. It means that the whole post-Soviet space, our whole part of the world, will move in the right direction. I call on the world to pay attention and send the right signals. I make the call knowing what our responsibilities are. In the face of the threats confronting us, our commitment to democracy and transparency is more important than ever. We remember the words of the American founding father who said that whoever sacrifices his freedom for security deserves neither. That is not just our response; it is the best response. Our transformation and the hostility it has generated among those who feel threatened by freedom have continued to make Georgia a test case for the entire region. What is at stake in Georgia today is the very idea that democracy can thrive in our part of the world. Our common legacy from the dark time of the Soviet Union is now almost gone from Georgia. Organized crime — and Georgia was a hotbed of organized crime — is now almost gone from Georgia. Most of that legacy has migrated to other countries, including Russia. Corruption, coercion, intimidation, oppression, cynicism and despair: we condemn that way of life, that way of Government and of being governed. No, we can, we should and we will overcome that legacy. We are doing it in Georgia and it can be done everywhere else. Will we face strong opposition? Yes. And we are well placed to say that, since our country is regularly threatened with destruction and annihilation, for the very reason that we choose another path — the path of freedom, the path of transparency and accountability, the path of meritocracy and an open society — we know how difficult it is to overcome those forces. But we know we can. Sovietism and post-Sovietism is not a fate. Organized crime and violence is not a fate. Slavery is not a fate. Limited sovereignty as Brezhnev once defined it and Putin reshaped it is not a fate. Every country represented here is a free nation. We are all free peoples, made up of free individuals, and our future depends on us, on what we want and what we do. There is nothing easy about saying this, and I do not say it lightly. The Georgian people know the price of freedom and still they think their freedom is worth it, because with freedom comes development and happiness, true stability and true peace. Our region will one day become a zone where free people interact peacefully, where respect will replace contempt. All the peoples of Central Asia and Eastern Europe, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Russia, the South Caucasus and North Caucasus, should hold hands together and shout down the voices of the past. Powerful voices continue to send the message that democracy, transparency and accountability are not possible. They say that freedom, meritocracy and respect for human rights are fundamentally alien. Georgia has proven them wrong. Our survival story has proven them wrong, just as many here today have in the past. As we have been learning from many people in the Hall, our efforts have shown that corruption, intolerance, intimidation, fear and violence are neither cultural nor inevitable. Advanced democracy is a sign of a mature society. It is not easy to govern. Dissent, pluralism and vibrant debate, which are threats to others, are strengths to us. Our view is clear. One cannot gain enduring stability at the expense of liberty, and one cannot ensure lasting prosperity by sacrificing individual rights. Those short cuts never succeed in the long run. In every culture, in every society, in every corner of the world, people will ultimately demand the right to choose their own future. Only Governments that meet that demand will achieve true stability. The fundamental contract is not always without difficulties. Governments that commit themselves to the process must be prepared for turbulence and disagreement. What is difficult for elected leaders is often beneficial for citizens; what is challenging for ruling parties is often necessary for the State. In pursuing the goals of freedom and accountability, our common efforts must be governed by the rule of law and a commitment to respect these fundamental principles. Violence and intimidation can never be legitimized, and a minority can never forcibly impose its views on the will of the majority. Guns, money, threats, hatred, blackmail and fear cannot be allowed to hijack the process. At the same time, we recognize the potential threat of a majority trampling the rights and liberties of a minority. We respond to that threat by protecting the right to dissent, we respond by promoting pluralism, we respond by allowing every voice to be heard. And we respond by the law. I can testify to how difficult the process is, but I can also state unequivocally that no lasting alternative exists. I want finally to share with the Assembly my hope and my trust. A few days from now, Georgians from all social, religious and ethnic backgrounds will collectively decide their future in an unoccupied part of our territory. They will express diverse opinions and wishes, and a new future for our nation will emerge. Openness will be further enshrined. Transparency will be strengthened, and public accountability confirmed. The main thing that will be confirmed is that Georgia will not go back. It will not be dragged back under any pressure, under any dirty money from the North, under any threat of military exercise or direct military invasion or mass-scale disturbances or the emergence of some kind of militias emerge, as some have threatened. It is not going to work. According to the European Union, we are the safest country and the least corrupt country in Europe with strong Government institutions that cannot be bribed and cannot be undermined. By constantly renewing the social contract, which is at the heart of every democratic nation, we will ensure that democratic principles and practices are with us for good. I trust the Georgian people. I trust the international community and I trust that they will not allow others to destroy the will of my people or destroy my small nation’s choice. I stated earlier that democracy is a difficult, sometimes noisy system. It presents challenges to those in and outside Government, and it forces leaders to place their trust in society. Personally, I see no credible alternative, and I saw no better reason to take risks. Fear is the paramount weapon of autocrats, while trust is a definition of democrats. Let us all trust our citizens, even if autocratic forces much bigger than us are threatening us. The best defence for my country is openness, democracy, transparency and the work of institutions against all of those forces, against all the international mafias and against social and international pressures that contravene international law. Let us defend the institutions that support, strengthen and preserve our choice to be open and free.