I should like to join others in congratulating the President on his election to preside over the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. The wealth of his political and professional experience and his personal qualities will undoubtedly benefit the work of the Assembly in the coming months. He takes over his new responsibilities from His Excellency Mr. Insanally who, as President during the forty-eighth session, continued to give the presidency that forward-looking spirit which is so important as the United Nations system and, at its very centre, the General Assembly increasingly become the effective focal point of international life. Five years after the end of the Cold War, the international community continues to witness painful situations of political, economic and social strife. Daily the media bombard us with images of misery: victims of wars fleeing combat zones, abandoning all they had worked for and accumulated in a life-time; refugees crossing deserts or oceans in superhuman efforts to distance themselves from situations where human dignity is trampled upon, where the essence of human rights has long been lost; the poor and the needy nurturing hopes of escaping from communities where development is absent or denied. The list of anguish is endless. Most of us are disturbed and angered at the apparent impotence of the international community to attack the root causes of such misery. We tend to link many of these situations to the end of the Cold War and its aftermath, aware that the transition in international power relations has had an effect which goes far beyond its immediate political impact. It has influenced in different ways the economic and social dynamic not only of those States undergoing the process of transition, but even others - a spill-over effect which is as difficult to contain as it is difficult to identify and map out. We have entered a historical phase marked and chequered by regional conflicts - wars which sow death and destruction and erase social and economic achievements in a matter of weeks if not days. There is the temptation to develop an immunity to the tragic consequences of these ills by giving up on our collective responsibility to alleviate suffering. Every time the international community gives in to this temptation it is rudely awakened by degenerating situations which we cannot but find shocking. Antagonisms with roots which go back in time have exploded into situations of conflict and civil strife, exposing a heritage of ethnic, religious and tribal animosities. Massacres on an unprecedented scale have devastated our collective conscience. The transition has created a vacuum. In attempting to fill this vacuum, the new and frail forces of democratic political leadership often have to encounter antagonistic economic, political and social forces interested in carving a niche for themselves through the perpetuation of 10 instability. Illegal drug and arms traffickers, money launderers and unscrupulous economic operators stand to profit from an unregulated fiscal, political and social environment. They often join forces in efforts to undermine the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law. The international community has long realized that such ills cannot be tackled in isolation. Cooperation has been strengthened in areas where borders fail to stop the spread of criminality. The ills of the present age also require enhanced bilateral and regional cooperation. Regions may learn lessons from each other as different illicit trade routes ranging from drugs to plutonium, appear to spread their tentacles to encompass the globe. The heart of the matter lies, however, in rehabilitating those social environments which the illicit trade invades, thrives upon and exploits. Safeguarding the dignity of every human being, through the full respect for the right to life, liberty and security of person must remain the basis of our collective action. We all declare ourselves committed to the principles enshrined 46 years ago in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This commitment, however, has oft fallen victim to that pragmatic approach which demands looking the other way - a philosophy that justifies living with the lesser evil, supposedly to avoid the greater evil. The fallacy of this approach has been seen in many and varied instances, ranging from corruption within the body politic, to totalitarianism at the national level, to trans-boundary crime and terrorism at the international level. For five years we have been speaking of the creation of a new international order. The words and setting were praiseworthy, as was the commitment to do good. In our euphoria, we assumed that our desire for a new world community where law, order and development should prevail was universally shared. Crude realities have proved that in making this assumption we failed to note that our desire for good could be matched, indeed challenged, by the evil intentions of others. It was thought that this challenge could come only from existing regimes which we rightfully tried to treat as outcasts - little realizing that the roots of the issue were more widespread and lay in the lack of balance and harmonious development of economic and socio-political systems. The conclusion of the Uruguay Round this year and the setting up of the World Trade Organization could provide us with a channel where trade practices become more transparent and fair. Trade is the driving force behind economic growth and social stability. Lack of viable economic activity erodes the basis of democratic societies, rendering them fragile and subject to instability. One cannot but praise the efforts of the peoples and Governments of many States in striving to build stable economic infrastructures. Their enterprise cannot be achieved without the constant support of developed States with long-established free-market economies. A new approach requires that we gird ourselves properly to face the challenges ahead. On the national level, political and socio-economic structures must ensure dignity for one and all. On 21 September, Malta celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of its independence. During these three decades, many were the challenges faced and the lessons learnt. Democracy based on the dignity of each citizen is a task that requires an ever-renewing commitment by all social forces to the right to freedom of opinion. Pluralism is an essential catalyst in the democratic process and requires that we honour its full meaning in the different areas where it manifests itself. However much this impetus is strengthened when fired by Governments, it is handicapped each time an authoritarian Government assumes that it can rule by diktat. During the past seven years my Government has committed itself to strengthening pluralism in such vital areas as broadcasting, education and trade. Pluralism is a vote of confidence in the people, and a democratically elected Government cannot but reciprocate the trust bestowed by the electorate. The consolidation of democracy was not the only challenge we had to face. During these 30 years we radically transformed an economy entirely dependent on the presence of foreign military bases into one benefiting from thriving financial, industrial and tourism sectors. This transition has given Malta the economic buoyancy required of it as a prospective member of the European Union. We note with satisfaction the decision, taken last June at the Corfu Summit, that Malta will be included in the next phase of the enlargement of the European Union. This state of economic well-being has enabled the Government to consolidate a social policy inspired by the concept of solidarity. Over three decades we have 11 introduced schemes ensuring equal access for men and women by providing appropriate formal educational and social structures. In enacting this policy, the Government has not ignored its responsibility to ensure a dignified life for all through programmes that range from free medical aid for all citizens to care of the elderly and integration of the handicapped. Today, Malta can rightfully claim to be a nation at peace with itself and with others. Though conscious of our limitations, we have never let size inhibit our mature involvement in the international arena. On the occasion of the recent signing of the Agreement on the implementation of part XI of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, many representatives acknowledged Malta’s role in launching the concept of common heritage - a concept that today is the guiding principle in a number of conventions. Malta stands committed to the creation of a global society based on the principles of dignity and solidarity. Throughout the centuries, Malta has had its existence marked by the contradiction between its size and its strategic importance. This has necessitated an understanding of the importance of regional stability through cooperation. Since independence, we have cultivated an awareness of the importance of stability in the Mediterranean. The progress registered in the Middle East peace process following the signing of the Declaration of Principles and the Washington Accords of 13 September 1993 makes it easier to understand the importance of the interdependence of European security and Mediterranean security. Malta has been the first in international forums - and has sometimes been alone - to advocate the need for a Mediterranean dialogue, and it has been consistent in advancing proposals to this end. Over the years since the Helsinki Summit Declaration we have promoted the link between security in Europe and security in the Mediterranean. Today, the Mediterranean dimension is high on the international agenda. From both sides of this sea of destiny the need for a Mediterranean forum has been underlined - not for the sake of creating another international body but as an aspect of the logic of existence in the light of the many problems in the region. These problems range from unemployment to overpopulation, terrorism and ethnic strife - all in a narrow highway that affects stability in the region and beyond, thus threatening the future of millions. We cannot, therefore, but identify ourselves with Foreign Minister Alain Juppé, who, in his address to this Assembly at its 8th plenary meeting, stated that France would like to see Europe organizing a forum for cooperation involving all the Mediterranean States, and would be making this one of the main goals of the forthcoming French presidency of the European Union. We also welcome the statement made at the 6th plenary meeting by the President of the Council of Ministers of the European Union - Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel - that Europe attaches great importance to security in the Mediterranean. Principled cooperation reflects a fundamental and essential Maltese social reality. It was through the extension of this matured concept to the broader European and international level that, within the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), Malta launched the initiative for the Conference to declare itself a regional arrangement for the maintenance of peace and security in the terms of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter - a declaration adopted by CSCE Heads of State and Government at the Helsinki II Summit. In calling for a new approach at the regional level, we cannot but renew our support for, and our commitment to, the CSCE process. The CSCE was the first body to give tangible form to the connection between the political, economic and human dimensions. The CSCE need not be copied in its detail by other regions, but it provides a model of confidence-building to which other regions can aspire. The need for a new approach has long been felt at the United Nations. Initiatives taken by Malta when it occupied the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session, four years ago, are slowly bearing fruit. However, it is only legitimate to ask whether the results are proportionate to the efforts made. My Government welcomes as a step in the right direction the recently adopted resolution on revitalization of the General Assembly. Important as it is, this step cannot but lead to others meant to enhance the role of this forum. We have to maintain the central role of the General Assembly in the framework of the United Nations. This is the only forum where all members are permanent members. We believe that the General Assembly has to develop and define the fact-finding mechanism that pertains to it. We also have to ensure what former Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar referred to as "a balanced constitutional relationship". The maintenance 12 of this relationship with and between the principal organs of the Organization, including the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretariat, is important not as an issue of the internal working of the Organization but because "it bears on the guardianship of peace exercised by the United Nations ". In his report "An Agenda for Peace", Secretary- General Boutros Boutros-Ghali underlines the relevance of the General Assembly as a universal forum by calling for recognition of its capacity to consider and recommend appropriate action in the maintenance of international peace and security. He says: "To that end it is essential to promote its utilization by all Member States so as to bring greater influence to bear in pre-empting or containing situations which are likely to threaten peace and security." (A/47/277, para. 36) In this respect, the reforms related to the restructuring of the Security Council, which we hope will be negotiated by next year, have a bearing because of the qualitative change they would generate. My Government is studying the proposals already submitted, including the Italian proposal presented yesterday by Foreign Minister Martino. Next year we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations system. The international community is becoming more aware of the vast extent of common concerns which bond our fate as a global community. A number of international conventions today make specific reference to the common heritage of mankind. The universal acceptance of this principle is to our collective credit. It is proof of the sense of responsibility and equity that inspires Member States in their obligations towards present and future generations. Only an underlying solidarity can ensure the survival of the planet. This sense of inter-generation solidarity truly dignifies humanity. Malta has underlined the need for a unit to coordinate and monitor areas related to the common heritage. A convergence of all efforts becomes instrumental to the efficiency with which such initiatives, born of conventions, may work and bear fruit. A scenario marked by institutional fragmentation can be avoided only by establishing institutional oversight in the interest of the areas we hold in trust for future generations. Rather than reinventing the wheel, we are proposing a transition and evolution in the role of Trusteeship Council, for we are convinced that the Trusteeship Council could be such a point of convergence. We have taken note of the part of the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization which deals with the Trusteeship Council and, in particular, the recommendation that the General Assembly proceed with steps to eliminate that organ in accordance with Article 108 of the Charter. We agree with the Secretary- General that with the end of the Trusteeship Agreement on Palau the Council, as conceived, has concluded its task. The concept of trust - a concept of English Common Law which is fundamental in its fiduciary nature - is one that reflects the mission of the League of Nations and later the United Nations in so far as certain Territories were concerned. We have to apply the concept of trust to new realities. We believe that the United Nations holds in trust for humanity its common heritage and its common concerns: the environment; the resources of the sea and of the seabed; the climate; the rights of future generations; and the safeguarding of the rights of peoples in situations of complete breakdown of the organs of the State. We believe that we hold these in trust for humanity, and an enhanced and redefined Trusteeship Council can be the right organ for this purpose. The challenges of the present times demand that we look at the United Nations system with innovative eyes. We cannot aspire to a new world order and yet persist in viewing the institutional mechanisms of the United Nations through the same cold-war lenses, which are ill focused for our times and now shattered by the course of history. We need to view the United Nations as a complex adaptive system, a system which, without renouncing its original ideals and basic principles, responds adequately and promptly to contemporary needs, a proactive United Nations rather than a reactive one, a United Nations which moulds a new mentality apart from ironing creases and mending tears in the fabric of international relations. The challenge today is not a physical dividing wall. This generation can one day look back with pride at what it has achieved. The recent ceremonies marking the departure of foreign troops stationed in Germany is a reminder of how significantly different political realities are today from the days when the Berlin Wall cut across a city, a nation and a continent with the same callousness with which it cut across the soul and spirit of Europe. 13 Equally breathtaking was the transition from a South Africa built on the bastion of apartheid to a democratic South Africa which cherishes the dignity of all of its citizens. The walls of division are also being dismantled in the Middle East, where political determination and goodwill can and should ensure the full enjoyment of sovereignty and political rights for all peoples living in the region. However, there are many other situations at which we shall some day look back in anger. The challenge to our political will today is the tragedy of the children in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the rotting, butchered bodies floating in the rivers of Rwanda, the millions of refugees with their lives wasted in never-ending waiting, the other millions of depressed and oppressed living an existence without dignity. 1995 is a year of challenge. It is the year of the World Summit for Social Development and of the Fourth World Conference on Women, the next two links in the triad begun with the recent International Conference on Population and Development at Cairo. Three Conferences which, with Habitat II, require a global approach focused on development rather than on the promotion of hidden agendas which are irrelevant in the resolution of essential issues - essential issues which represent a billion people living in abject poverty, half of whom go to bed hungry every day. There is a poverty curtain which continues to create a great divide and which becomes more impenetrable when we wilfully shut our eyes to the concept of solidarity. Empowerment becomes a mere cliché if it fails to ensure a life in dignity for this ocean of humanity denied of its most basic right to life, liberty and security of person. In issuing declarations we do well to underline our commitment to eradicating the root causes that generate so much misery, anguish and pain. We do even better when we make firm commitments on assistance to States which require our solidarity, States in need that require us to match our words with deeds. Solidarity means reaching out rather than holding out. Solidarity is the building block of greater security to ensure the livelihood and dignity of millions. Solidarity is a key factor in the promotion of development in the lives and minds of men, and hence in the complex relations that guide the international community. Our legacy to future generations would be a poor one if development and solidarity were not matched by compliance with international standards of human rights. The importance of the rule of law and democracy requires that the international community safeguard human rights. Denial of liberty is the refusal of that oxygen that enables a developed community to live in harmony with itself and others. The challenge of the twenty-first century is not liberty in the abstract: it is the responsibility of the United Nations to be an instrument in forging principles into concrete action. A second-generation United Nations facing the challenge of solidarity must serve as a guidepost to humanity in its long walk towards peace in freedom.