Sudan

I salute Ambassador Essy and warmly congratulate him on his unanimous election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I express our happiness and that of the sons of Africa on his assumption of that important post. It is our hope that during his term of office Africa and the whole of the international community will achieve the development and the consolidation of peace and security to which our peoples aspire. I wish also to convey our compliments to Mr. Samuel Insanally of Guyana on his exemplary and able leadership during his presidency of the General Assembly at its forty- eighth session. I should also like to salute the Secretary-General for his tireless effort as leader of the Organization; we wish him all success. On this occasion it is my pleasure to welcome the return of the sister Republic of South Africa to the international community as a democratic country, that is now free from apartheid and that is governed by its own national will, to participate effectively in the development of Africa and of the world at large. In welcoming South Africa, I reiterate our continued support for its people, just as we were devoted to their cause during the struggle for the eradication of apartheid. Indeed, it is the destiny of people committed to the defence of their freedom to have their will tested. That is exactly the fate of the people of Sudan which, since the National Salvation Revolution came to power has decided to have an independent voice in all regional and international forums on all issues and in all fields, inspired by its principles based on its cultural heritage and its regional and international affiliations. I have the honour of briefing the Assembly on a number of the accomplishments my Government has achieved despite the obstacles it has faced owing to its adherence to the cultural choice of the Sudanese people. The Government of the National Salvation Revolution inherited armed discord in the South, with all its consequences. From the start, it accorded the highest priority to the achievement of a peaceful, negotiated, just and lasting settlement. It is the conviction of my Government that only a permanent solution will be acceptable to the people. During its five years in power, the Government has engaged in a number of peace talks with the rebel movement. These have taken place successively in Addis Ababa, Nairobi and twice in Abuja; recently there have been four rounds of talks in Nairobi. The talks have taken place with the help of neighbours and brethren who share our belief that it is the sons of Africa who can find suitable solutions to Africa’s problems. The Government, with earnest determination to ensure the success of the peace talks, proposed a new mechanism to expedite the peace process. This calls for the dispatch of personal envoys of the Presidents of the mediating countries to engage in shuttle diplomacy between the Government and the rebel movement. My Government, which is anxious to reach a just and lasting solution, not only entered into negotiations, but has also adopted the federal system of government that had long been called for by the southern Sudanese. It implemented the formula of power sharing and the sharing of wealth in the framework of Federalism. As regards the relationship between religion and State, the Government proposed a formula that would enable the majority to choose whatever suits its cultural heritage, without infringement on the rights of the rest of the population, ultimately bearing in mind the need to respect every citizen’s equal rights and the cultural diversity that characterizes the Sudan and of which we are so proud. That is why the southern Sudan, where the majority is non-Muslim, has been exempted from the application of Islamic law. Given its conviction that those who joined the ranks of the rebellion and those who happen to live in the rebel-held areas are Sudanese citizens who deserve, and are entitled to enjoy fully all their rights, the Government signed the Operation Life-Line Sudan III Agreement to ensure the delivery of food and medicines to whoever was in need. Officials of the United Nations were candid and sincere when they described Operation Life-Line Sudan as unprecedented world wide. The allegation that the root 32 causes of the war in southern Sudan are religious or ethnic is refuted by the fact that the majority of displaced persons moved northwards and to the national capital, while only a few migrated out of the country. Citizens of the south who had suffered the ravages of the lengthy war in the south took the initiative of convening the Juba Conference in May 1994. That Conference was also attended by a number of foreign Ambassadors accredited to the Sudan. Those who represented the south at that Conference reiterated the unity of the country and categorically rejected the isolated agenda of the rebels which aims at fragmenting the country. Nations manifest wisdom when, in quest of national identity and in search for an effective system of Government that best suits their special conditions and historical background, they draw inspiration from their own heritage. Our people have found this in the application of the shura, or consultation, as a system of Government to ensure the universality of opinions free from the tribal and sectorial fanaticism that causes disunity amongst the sons of the nation. This principle is exercised without a tyrannical authority that deprives them of their will. The shura is the overall vessel for political, developmental and social endeavour. To put the shura into practice, the Permanent Electoral Commission was founded in conformity with the electoral law enacted by the Transitional National Assembly, which is composed of neutral personalities of professional integrity. Voter registration was introduced to ensure an atmosphere conducive to fair and genuine elections that are scheduled to take place early next year, after the full participation of all the people is secured. To enable all strata of the population to participate effectively in administering and organizing themselves, developing their resources and enjoying all their rights, the central power made way for 26 State Governments within the framework of the federal system. This minimization of the administrative authority was aimed at achieving the advancement and welfare of the country through the development of its States. Our belief that almighty Allah elevated the human race above all other species is our guiding principle in the area of human rights. My Government has translated that belief into action in all areas. In order to ensure the effective enjoyment by all citizens of their human rights, the Government established the Supreme Council for Human Rights and bestowed upon it full constitutional liberty. It secured the freedom of the judiciary and protected it against interference by the political authority. The justice system was reformed to guarantee freedom of litigation, equity and rule of law. The Government of the National Salvation Revolution strengthened the role of women in the Sudan and upheld all their rights. It enabled women to occupy high constitutional, judicial, political and economic posts, while also upholding their social rights. Today, women represent 50 per cent of the labour force in Government offices, where they perform very ably. Statistics of the Ministry of Education revealed that 60 per cent of the students enrolled in universities and institutions of higher education are female. The best example of the confidence of the Government in its performance in the area of human rights is the fact that it opened its doors wide for representatives of European Parliaments, including the British House of Commons and House of Lords, the Italian Parliament, and the United States Congress. In addition, human rights organizations, religious associations and other dignitaries have visited the country, especially those areas where abuses of human rights were alleged to have taken place. As a manifestation of our tolerance, our country is currently hosting the Inter-Religion Dialogue Conference, in which Muslim and Christian scholars from different parts of the world are participating. This Conference is aimed at the enhancement of tolerance and peaceful coexistence between religions in any one geographical area. The purpose is also to prove that religion is not, as alleged by others, mere fanaticism. The Conference is based on the mutual conviction that ethics and morals are the best guides for individuals and peoples. In this regard, I would like to point out that the present Conference is the sequel of a previous one that was convened in Sudan two years ago, after which inter- religion dialogue continued inside and outside the Sudan. After this brief account, the Assembly may agree with me that reports of violations of human rights in the Sudan are nothing but malicious applications of political pressure to deter the Sudan from exercising its freedom to make its own decision and holding on to its cultural options. I need not state that those who continue to level baseless accusations against Sudan have not produced any evidence whatsoever to support their allegations. This, as I said earlier, seems to be the lot of all nations that choose their own way. 33 Those who make unfounded allegations that Sudan harbours terrorism have not produced a single shred of evidence to prove it. They never expected that Sudan would prove its innocence by capturing the most dangerous and most wanted terrorist in history: Carlos, the Jackal. Guided by standards of conduct that condemn violence and bloodshed, and in accordance with its adherence to international conventions and ethical ideals, Sudan arrested that terrorist. By virtue of our doctrine of transparency and openness, the doors of our country will remain wide open for whoever wishes to see for himself that no terrorism is harboured in the Sudan. The rebel movement, which was hatched outside Sudan, has kept changing its skin, with different programmes and ideologies, in order to gain support. Unfortunately, up to now the rebellion has received moral, material and military support from those who do not want the Sudan to enjoy its freedom of decision. The rebellion thus became a pliant tool in the futile attempts to subjugate the Sudan. The rebel leaders made themselves warlords, indifferent to the plight of their own people and the blood they continue to shed. Before the eyes of international community, the rebels commit the worst and atrocious kinds of violation of human rights: attacking and commandeering relief barges and trains, killing relief workers, looting villages and abducting men and children. Leaders of the rebellion are now launching a repugnant liquidation of their opponents in the ranks of the rebel movement. As proof of its defeat, very large numbers of returnees from the rebel movement came back home, convinced that it lacked a proper objective and that it had fallen prey to the influence of foreign powers. The crime of our time was that which was committed in the Kakuma Refugee Camp in Northern Kenya, which accommodates children who are Sudanese refugees. The Garang faction kidnapped 5,000 children at gunpoint to join their ranks, undeterred by conscience or respect for the international covenants that govern the status of refugees and provide for their protection. To our surprise, this crime was met with indifference from the international community, which did nothing to ensure the return of those children to their families. From this rostrum we call upon all international agencies, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross to condemn this crime in the strongest possible terms and to work effectively and decisively to put an end to the plight of those children and to work to reunite them with their families in the Sudan as soon as is practicable. The relationship of the Sudan with the United Nations has continued to exist on a basis of constructive cooperation. Within the scope of such cooperation, productive developmental schemes and child-care projects have been set up, in addition to the humanitarian operations under the auspices of the Department of Humanitarian Affairs and the appointment of a special envoy who played an effective role in coordinating humanitarian efforts. The United Nations also successfully raised from the donor community resources equivalent to 60 per cent of the required finances of Operation Life Line for 1994. While we recall such positive achievements, we must also refer to certain negative aspects that accompanied that cooperation. In the field of relief distribution under Operation Life Line, statistics have confirmed that the greater portion of relief is directed to the rebel-held areas, which represent less than 10 per cent of the area of Southern Sudan, a situation which must be rectified. Also, while we appreciate the valuable role of non-governmental organizations working in the humanitarian field, it is relevant to underline the negative activities of some of them, which go so far as to violate the national sovereignty of Sudan, and provide support to the rebels, thus prolonging the war and adding to the suffering and distress of our people. As we look forward to the forthcoming celebrations of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must recall that its inception was a product of a human awakening, following two destructive world wars that caused devastation to mankind and the environment, and crippled the progress of humanity. At a time when the use of military power was the sole means to expand political and economic influence, the establishment of the Organization represented a hope for humanity to overcome its destructive tendencies, which were spurred by the possession of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction, and to strive for the horizons of peace and development. It was saddening that the human awakening which culminated in the inception of the Organization was followed by a Cold War that continued until the 1990s. As a result, huge resources were drained away instead of being invested in the areas of peace and development. It is also saddening that the mentality of the Cold War still prevails in what is conceived as a clash of civilizations. 34 It has been wrongly believed that the disappearance of one enemy must be followed by the creation of a new one in an attempt to keep the cycle of war and conflict going. While the world witnesses the emergence of new States and the decline of apartheid, some are still trapped in that erroneous conception, which has given rise to various regional tensions, such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda. Racial discrimination and xenophobia have increased in a number of western countries; the exodus of refugees and the flow of displaced persons continues. In the economic arena, and despite the world’s drive towards a free-market economy we have nevertheless witnessed a deterioration in economic and social infrastructures, especially in the developing countries. This deterioration is a direct result of the unfair practices and criteria that still plague international economic relations. Contributions by wealthier States and international financial institutions to assist developing countries have severely decreased; selective non-economic conditions are often imposed in dealing with the developing countries. Moreover, economic performance is no longer the criterion that is taken into account. Political considerations have become the sole basis of cooperation with the lending States and institutions. The problems of indebtedness and debt servicing continue to represent a huge burden on debtor States and in particular, the least developed countries. The debt problem remains unresolved because the creditors insist on imposing conditions that related more to the political stances of the debtor States and therefore, selectivity was resorted to in resolving the debt problem. We call upon this august body to adopt the resolutions and recommendations of the Non- Aligned Movement Ministerial Meeting held last August in Jakarta, Indonesia, on resolving the debt problems of developing countries. The partial remission of debts is the appropriate starting point to resolve the debt problem, instead of the re-scheduling process, which has already contributed to multiplying the amount of debt service in excess of the principal. The objective of establishing regional economic groupings is to contribute to the creation of a free flow of trade, investments and technology across national borders and the integrated trading groups. The scale of development in all countries, especially the developing countries, must be stepped up and the politics of protectionism practised by the major Powers vis-à-vis developing countries for political reasons must end. When we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we hope that the Organization will attain tangible achievements in eliminating the political, economic, social and humanitarian distortions that influence the international arena. Such achievements can be attained only by translating the principles and objectives of the Charter into real terms that reflect the values of justice, equality, and full participation by all Member States in creating a better future. In order to achieve such goals, the democratization of the United Nations and all its organs must be accomplished. According to the Charter, the General Assembly has a role to play on an equal footing with the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security, as well as in supervising the performance of other organs of the Organization. Just as we fully support the call for increasing the membership of the Security Council to ensure the equitable representation of all geographic and political groups in the Council, we also call for a reconsideration of geographical representation by allowing Africa, Asia and Latin America more opportunities to have permanent seats on the Council. We also call for the complete abolition of the veto power, as it contradicts all the principles of democracy and maintains the hegemony of the minority. Furthermore, we note a lack of transparency in the functioning of the Security Council, and believe that most Member States are often unable to follow its work. While we appreciate the efforts made to improve the performance of the Council, its persistent practice of holding intensive informal consultations marginalizes the role of the majority of Member States in the maintenance of international peace and security. Accordingly, rules of procedure regulating the Council’s procedures must be established to provide for a fair and objective guarantee of the existence of the required transparency. As regards the Council’s resolutions, it is regrettable that the practice of double standards and selectivity, as reflected in its resolutions and their implementation, has greatly affected its credibility, a problem which we hope will be resolved. The Economic and Social Council, as a guardian of economic and social rights should take more interest in maintaining the right balance between political and economic rights in its resolutions and decisions, which have become more inclined towards political rights in 35 spite of the Vienna Declaration, which considered the right to development a basic human right. The peace process has already started in the Middle East. In order for that process to reach the desired goals, the peace that is hoped for in the regional should be based on the pillars of justice and equality and the attainment by the Palestinian people of all their rights and the withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967. The withdrawal from the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon should be carried out in full implementation of Security Council Resolution 425 (1978). The withdrawal from Jerusalem and all the other occupied Arab territories will remain critical in determining the real Israeli intention to establish a just and lasting peace. The recent conflict in the sisterly state of Yemen ended with the victory of constitutional legality, which preserved the unity of Yemen; this incident should lead us to stress the need to refrain from intervention in the internal affairs of other States that might find themselves in similar circumstances. With regard to Somalia, which faces enormous hurdles and internecine killings, we call upon all parties to heed the voice of reason and to work together for the attainment of a national reconciliation that would enable Somalia to resume the role destined for it at the regional and international levels. We must also pause here to consider the suffering of the Iraqi people, which is worsening as a result of the embargo imposed on it even though it has been admitted that Iraq has shown full cooperation in implementing the relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the lifting of the sanctions imposed on Iraq as soon as possible and we urge the members of the Security Council to renew their consideration of this issue. As regards the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, we are surprised by the continuation of sanctions in spite of all the practical proposals made by the Jamahiriya, through the League of Arab states, in order to finalize its dispute with some Western countries over the Lockerbie incident in a reasonable manner. The aforementioned treatment of Libya lacks any legal and humanitarian justification. The Bosnian peoples’ tragedy continues to be a shameful blot the face of humanity. Factors of religious bias have greatly contributed to the creation and escalation of the Bosnian tragedy. As for the Security Council, it has pursued a clear policy of double standards in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovena. Not only did the Security Council reward the aggressors by granting them territories they do not own, but it has deprived the Bosnians of their legitimate right to self-defence as enshrined in the United Nations Charter, through an arms-embargo resolution. Bosnia and Herzegovena did not declare an intention to acquire the lands of others, but only wanted to defend itself and its people against aggression. As I conclude my statement, I should like to pose questions which, I believe, that are relevant to our preparations for celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations and the International Decade of Tolerance. Are we prepared to abandon the unilateral approach to the tackling of problems of international relations? Are we ready to recognize now that this world accommodates us as distinct and diverse peoples and civilizations coexisting with one another? It is our opinion that fostering regional and international peace and security does not mean the omission of the underlying causes of tension. Equally, comprehensive development does not mean the entrenchment of the unfair economic and technological practices existing in today’s world. Furthermore, democracy in our opinion does not mean the imposition of the western model of democracy alone and omission of other peoples’ practices and civilizations in the field of governance and systems of government. Moreover, universality of sovereignty does not mean disregard for the national and geographic sovereignty of States. Also, the universality of human rights, which enjoys our respect and commitment, does not necessarily mean cancellation of the religious beliefs of peoples and their moral values. In brief, the principles and values adopted by any one society are not necessarily or definitely fit for application by all other societies. By applying such a unilateral perspective, we will deprive civilization of the benefits of diversity and from its productive legacy and we will as such deprive peoples of their right to opt for the political models and social conduct that are more compatible with their aspirations. Otherwise, we would only compound a new phase of undesired cultural conflicts and tensions. Let us turn a new leaf in international relations that would be founded on the rejection of conflict and confrontation, based on the principles of mutual respect and non-interference in the affairs of others, without extremism, bias or radicalism. 36 In conclusion, let our deeds speak louder than our words in building up the tolerance with which we prepare to commence the international decade, and let us extend this it to embrace all aspects of politics, thought, economics, culture, and religion.