Allow me to congratulate the fraternal Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya and you personally, Mr. President, on your
election to the presidency of the General Assembly at
this session. I wish you success in your endeavours,
and succeed you will, given your vast experience and
competence.
I also extend our deep appreciation to your
predecessor, Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann, for
successfully steering the work of the sixty-third
session; I recognize his positive stand vis-à-vis the
fundamental issues with which the international
community is seized. I also wish the Secretary-General
every success in his undertakings as he seeks to fulfil
the purposes and principles of our international
Organization.
We come here every year and stress from this
very rostrum, as do many others, that the Middle East
is one of the most tense regions of the world and that
the situation is extremely ominous. From this very
rostrum, most speakers stress that a just and
comprehensive peace is an urgent requirement for the
realization of the interests of all parties in the region
and the world at large. However, paying lip service to
the need for peace is obviously different from working
for peace. Actions inside and outside the region have
spoken louder than words, and peace has remained
elusive for years.
During that time, Israel waged two devastating
wars against Lebanon and Gaza. It had no qualms
about committing internationally prohibited acts or
breaching international law, encouraged and protected
by the Administration of former United States
President Bush. To date, Israel continues to impose a
stifling siege on Gaza, in contravention of the most
basic humanitarian principles and tenets of
international humanitarian law. These facts have been
confirmed by many investigations, and were most
recently published in the report of the United Nations
Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict. The head
of the Mission concluded that Israel had committed
grave violations of human rights law, and international
humanitarian law, including war crimes and possibly
crimes against humanity.
The international approach to the Middle East
question has changed in previous years. Addressing
this issue has become a priority, and has been followed
by immediate action on the ground. This is certainly
reassuring. It is our sincere hope that these efforts will
bear fruit. But the engagement by the new United
States Administration, the members of the Security
Council, the European Union, the Organization for the
Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement
has been continuously confronted with Israeli measures
and positions that ignore the most basic underpinnings
of the peace process. Israel defies the policies of its
friends and allies and undermines their will. Israel also
challenges the will of the overwhelming majority — if
not the entirety — of the international community.
Perhaps more than ever before, Israel has now revealed
its true colours: an entity that has enshrined racism,
aggression and tension-building while balking at peace
and repudiating the advocates of peace.
Israel refuses to freeze illegitimate settlement
building and is thus in breach of its obligations under
international law. Israel continues to confiscate
Palestinian land, build the apartheid wall, Judaize
Jerusalem, expel inhabitants from their homes and
bring in settlers to replace them. This list is in no way
exhaustive. These facts are substantiated by figures
but, in the interest of time, we shall not dwell on them
in detail. Suffice it to say that the two-State solution
advocated by the international community has been
rejected by the Israeli Government. The Israeli Prime
Minister’s comments on the subject are sheer tactical
manoeuvres that are contradicted entirely by the
policies pursued by his Government on the ground.
President Bashar Al-Assad has said that peace is
antithetical to occupation. Peace and occupation cannot
coexist. He stressed that we in Syria seek a just and
comprehensive peace and that peace is our strategic
choice. It is a choice based on the implementation of
Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338
(1973), the Madrid terms of reference, the principle of
land for peace and the Arab Peace Initiative. We have
supported every effort aimed at achieving this goal. To
that end, we entered into indirect talks with Israel
through Turkish mediation and sought to arrive at
common ground that would ultimately enable us to
launch direct negotiations. But the absence of genuine
political will to make peace and the war of aggression
that the Israeli Government waged against Gaza
brought this pursuit to a halt.
25 09-52598
In full view of the world and in defiance of its
unanimous will, Israel has chosen to be a rejectionist
State. It has chosen to challenge the international
community. This is a dangerous position and a stance
that threatens peace and security in the region. The
continued occupation, the Judaization of Jerusalem, the
intensification of settlement activities and the racist
slogans presage serious consequences for the world.
The world must not succumb to the dictates of Israeli
extremists. It must not allow Israel to persist in its
violation of international law and its defiance of
international will and decisions.
Brotherly Iraq continues to bleed. The situation in
Iraq is a cause for serious concern to us as a
neighbouring Arab country. We have continuously
stressed the urgency of preserving the unity of Iraq’s
territory and people while guaranteeing its sovereignty
and safeguarding its independence and its Arab-Islamic
identity. To that end, it is urgent to build Iraqi national
unity on the basis of national reconciliation, which
must include Iraqis of all stripes. Iraqi national unity is
the cornerstone of the reconciliation process, but it will
remain elusive unless the necessary conditions for
national reconciliation are achieved.
We have continuously condemned all aggressive
acts that claim the lives of innocent victims in Iraq. We
have also repeatedly called for the withdrawal of all
foreign troops from Iraq and for the restoration of full
Iraqi independence and sovereignty. We have stressed
our readiness to facilitate that withdrawal by extending
our cooperation in maintaining security in Iraq. It is
our hope that Iraqis will soon be able to arrive, through
constructive dialogue, at solutions that firmly support
Iraq’s unity, strength and prosperity while remaining
fully dedicated and loyal to the unity of the land of Iraq
and its people.
Syria has been dedicated to strengthening
bilateral Syrian-Iraqi relations in all their aspects. We
established a bilateral council for strategic cooperation
in various fields. We were distressed by the recent
“Bloody Wednesday” terrorist bombings in Baghdad,
which we strongly condemn. But we were surprised to
hear, days later, accusations levelled at us —
accusations devoid of any truth — implying that we
harboured those suspected of masterminding those
bombings. These claims and the ensuing developments
are extremely unfortunate and cannot serve the
interests of Iraq or Syria.
We are open to suggestions on how to solve the
current crisis by demanding that real evidence be made
available to substantiate those claims. This has not yet
been done. We stress that protecting the Iraqi people
and safeguarding their interests is one of our priorities.
We are also keen to safeguard the fraternal relations
between the Iraqi and Syrian peoples and express our
satisfaction at the current efforts of Turkey and the
Secretary-General of the League of Arab States.
We have followed with grave concern the recent
developments in Yemen. We hope that security will
ultimately prevail. We support Yemen’s unity, stability
and the prosperity of its people.
Attempts to undermine the Sudan’s unity and to
compromise its security and sovereignty are also a
cause of concern for us. We fully support the Sudan
and its leadership and stress the need to create
favourable conditions conducive to a settlement of all
pending issues. In that regard, we appreciate the efforts
made by the State of Qatar in cooperation with the
League of Arab States and the African Union.
Another cause for concern is the events unfolding
in Somalia, a country already afflicted by war and
internal strife. We call on our brothers there to work for
national reconciliation and to use dialogue as a means
of settling their differences. We urge them to work
towards the unity of Somalia, which as the supreme
national interest should take precedence over any other
consideration, and to lay the foundations for security
and stability in their country.
We support the efforts of the African Union to
settle the existing conflicts that continue to plague
some parts of the African continent, to achieve
development in the countries of Africa and to promote
the African role in the international system.
We also renew our call for the lifting of the
blockade imposed on Cuba for more than half a
century.
For years, Syria has been calling for the
establishment of a zone free of all weapons of mass
destruction in the Middle East region. To this end,
Syria tabled a draft resolution before the Security
Council in 2003 calling for the establishment of such a
zone. Today Syria stresses the need for Israel to
commit to complying with the resolution of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) adopted
on 18 September of this year regarding Israeli nuclear
09-52598 26
capabilities (GC(53)/RES/17), in which the Agency
called upon Israel to place its nuclear facilities under
comprehensive IAEA safeguards and to accede to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
(NPT). We recall once again the right of all States to
acquire nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, as
guaranteed by the NPT. We fully support constructive
dialogue as a means to settle all differences.
The world is still reeling from a crippling
economic and financial crisis that has adversely
affected the economic and social conditions of most
countries of the world. Very few countries, if any, have
been spared its devastating effects. This crisis led many
to question its root causes, shedding light on the
deficiencies in the financial system and its practices
and thus highlighting the sound practices that could
have prevented the crisis. The world cannot deal with
the crisis as a fait accompli. We must seek answers and
outcomes that endorse sound practices and remedy
systemic imbalances that are bound to affect us all in
the globalized world in which we live. Our common
goal is to establish a more secure economic and
financial world order.
It goes without saying that the countries of the
South have disparate economies and are comparatively
more disadvantaged and adversely affected by the
current crisis than those of the North. The world’s poor
end up paying a higher price for a breakdown that is
not of their making. Rich States are therefore duty
bound to provide all forms of support to poorer
countries to help them overcome this crisis. Poor
countries have earned this support, and any positive
results that it generates will serve the interests of poor
and rich countries alike. We also call for the increased
participation of developing countries in the work of the
Group of 20, which would enable them to put forward
proposals and advance appropriate responses to
overcome the crisis.
We and many others have often called for an
enhanced and reinvigorated role for the United Nations
in order to build a better, more just and more secure
world. We believe that the present moment is
auspicious. We therefore call on all Member States to
work seriously to ensure compliance with the Charter
of our international Organization and to introduce the
necessary reforms in order to promote it, learning from
the lessons of past decades and from our achievements
and failures. We sincerely look forward to a world
governed by respect for international law in which
security, stability and prosperity reign supreme.