Liberia

I am honoured to participate in this historic session on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor, President of the Republic of Liberia. I am pleased to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fifth session. My delegation acknowledges the astute diplomatic skills and esteemed wisdom that you bring to this important assignment. We are therefore assured of a successful convocation, and assure you of the full cooperation of the Liberian delegation. I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia, my brother and colleague, for the very able manner in which he conducted the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. In the same vein, I commend our Secretary- General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his vision, far- sightedness and the efficient manner in which he continues to carry out his mandate. This session has the challenge of determining how the international community will address the primary issues of peace and development. It has the task of assisting in preventing intra-State, inter-State and regional conflicts, as well as of ensuring that we pursue balanced and non-selective approaches to their solution. In addition, it must consider how to bring equity to the present international financial structure. Despite the much heralded dividends that globalization offers, developing countries are still beset by mounting debt burdens, unfair trade practices, declining official development assistance, poor health delivery systems and inadequate resource flows. An improved environment for global interaction, sensitive to the needs of developing countries, is a dire necessity that must not be ignored during our deliberations. The purposes and principles of the Charter have proved to be of durable value over the years. Today, as in the past, Liberia reaffirms its commitment to this instrument. The machinery that has evolved continues to be an indispensable framework for better international relations. But Member States cannot continue to support the United Nations in words only, and must avoid resorting to the expediency of exploiting it in the pursuit of narrow national aims that consistently discredit others. At the dawn of this millennium, the United Nations performance will be measured principally by its capability to sustain and protect the universal values of liberty, equity and solidarity, tolerance, non- violence, respect for nature and shared responsibility, as endorsed by the Millennium Summit a few weeks ago. Liberia intends to be a part of the process. 2 There are areas of the United Nations that need constant attention and improvement. Liberia and other Member States have spoken of the need to deal with some of the structural and institutional malaise that continues to undermine the Organization's effectiveness. As emphasized in my address to the Millennium Summit, we must, first, review the inequitable representation of the world's people reflected in the present structure of the Security Council; secondly, review the undemocratic processes of decision-making in the Security Council; and, thirdly, review the continuous violations, with apparent impunity, of the United Nations Charter by the big, the rich and the powerful. Indeed, when the Organization was constructed, five nations were entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing the entire world. The prevailing circumstances justified this dispensation, and Liberia, a signatory to the Charter, reasoned that the arrangement was acceptable. Time has unfolded new realities that make the arrangement of old unrealistic, unjustifiable and certainly unacceptable. There is a need to take into account existing political, economic and security realities. I need hardly say that one area of concern to Liberia is the use of the veto in the Security Council — a use that, on some occasions, has proved to be in conflict with the noble objectives of the Charter. Liberia is interested in peace, justice, development and economic progress for its people, and will not restrain its voice on issues that are vital to all nations and on which it should speak with an equally authoritative voice. Mindful that peace can translate into a sustained climate for development, Liberia has continued to work within the framework of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to make peace in our subregion a reality. In this regard, Liberia was privileged to assume the mandate given to President Charles Ghankay Taylor by his colleagues, heads of State of ECOWAS, in Abuja in May 2000. In keeping with consultations held among the Chairman of ECOWAS, the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the President of Nigeria, and the President of the Gambia, hosted by the President of Liberia, in Monrovia on 26 July 2000, a new leader and interlocutor of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) has been named by the RUF high command, through a letter to the Chairman of ECOWAS. Thus Corporal Foday Sankoh was removed from the peace process in Sierra Leone. Additionally, the new RUF leadership has indicated, in writing, its willingness to accept a ceasefire, to return to positions held at the signing of the Lomé Agreement on 7 July 1999, to accept the deployment of an ECOWAS contingent of the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) into RUF positions and to proceed with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes. Liberia, along with other ECOWAS member States, has also called upon the new RUF leadership to show good faith by returning all seized arms, ammunition and equipment to UNAMSIL. It has been reported that some armoured personnel carriers have been returned to UNAMSIL, but we must continue to insist on full restitution. Liberia wishes to take this opportunity to again condemn the taking of United Nations peacekeepers by the RUF, an act that challenged and undermined our concerted efforts to ensure collective security. Likewise, the recent attacks on United Nations personnel in East Timor and Macenta, Guinea, are unacceptable and warrant the collective actions of Member States of the United Nations to prevent any future attacks against United Nations personnel. We must send a clear and unambiguous message to all groups that the people of the world intend to adequately protect those individuals commissioned to carry out specific assignments for and on behalf of the United Nations, whether in the area of peacekeeping or in the discharge of other humanitarian services. The Government of Liberia has expressed its support for Security Council resolution 1306 (2000), which calls for an end to the smuggling of diamonds from Sierra Leone. As evidence of this, my Government has committed itself to undertaking several initiatives, including the enactment of a statute criminalizing the export of undocumented or uncertified diamonds; the enforcement of legislation requiring the Central Bank of Liberia to issue certificates of origin, in line with existing laws; and the development of a transparent process, with the assistance of experts from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. After the Liberian civil war our Government took several measures to consolidate peace and security in 3 our subregion, especially since many disgruntled former combatants sought refuge in neighbouring countries. The Government of Liberia voluntarily destroyed, with the assistance of ECOWAS and the United Nations, more than 21,000 small arms and more than 3 million rounds of ammunition. The Government of Liberia also signed the protocol to the ECOWAS small arms Moratorium. Despite these measures, and the current imposition of an unjust arms embargo against Liberia, armed insurgents from the neighbouring country of Guinea have attacked Liberia for the third time. The repeated violations of Liberia's territorial integrity by armed insurgents from the area of the Guinea-Sierra Leone borders have been reported to this Assembly and the Security Council, the OAU and ECOWAS. Though generally unacknowledged and not condemned, in April 1999 there was an incursion from Guinea, followed by another in August of the same year. A third and most recent attack emanating from the Republic of Guinea is ongoing and has resulted in the loss of lives and property and the displacement of a large number of our people. We are alarmed by the large quantities of new arms and ammunition being used by the insurgents coming from Guinea, and the implications for ongoing armed conflicts and potential hotbeds in our subregion. The repatriation of some 32,000 refugees to Liberia by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has been suspended as a result of the armed incursion. Indeed, Liberia is a stakeholder in the peace and security of the subregion, and especially in bringing the illegal arms trade in West Africa to an end. The inviolability of the borders between Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone remains a crucial issue. We call, once more, for a monitoring presence of the United Nations at these borders to monitor all crossing points capable of vehicular traffic. We recognize the enormous cost of policing the entire length of the borders and suggest the utilization of an airborne multi-spectral service to detect any unusual movements of any type along the entire border. Intelligence gathered therefrom could prove useful to the three countries and the international community at large. The cost of this service is reasonable and could be underwritten by the international community. The Government of Liberia wishes to bring to the attention of this Assembly the maltreatment of Liberian and Sierra Leonean refugees in Guinea, which was incited by a speech given by the President of Guinea, General Lansana Conté, on 9 September 2000, and confirmed by Human Rights Watch. The refugees have been arrested, beaten and some even raped. These actions are in violation of international conventions and we appeal to the international community to call upon the Guinean authorities to respect and to protect all refugees living within their territory. The attack on Guinea, while condemnable, is no excuse for such inhumane treatment meted out against innocent refugees. Liberia remains committed to the pursuit of peace and stability, both at home and in the subregion, and in so doing, will assiduously struggle for the socio- economic uplifting of its people and those of the subregion under the ECOWAS Treaty. In my intervention last year, I renewed my Government's request for the Security Council to lift the arms embargo imposed on Liberia eight years ago in 1992. I advanced reasons in support of this request, principal among which was the constitutional duty to defend the territorial boundaries of Liberia and to protect all individuals therein, and especially in light of the repeated armed incursions into Liberia by dissidents from Guinea. Again, in early July 2000 there was another incursion into Liberia from the same country by dissidents with the declared objective of overthrowing the duly elected Government of President Charles Ghankay Taylor. As I speak, there is an ongoing war between Government forces and the dissidents. Although our repeated requests for the lifting of the arms embargo have not received a favourable response from the Security Council, we again put this matter before that body for urgent consideration. The present security situation within Liberia and the West African subregion compels us to seek removal of these restrictions, so that the Government of Liberia can acquire the means to protect its citizens and others within the territorial confines of the country, as well as to maintain a stable environment. On the other hand, the continued existence of an arms embargo against Liberia in the midst of repeated armed aggression is a violation of our inherent right to self-defence under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. If the United 4 Nations fails to grant Liberia the right to defend itself, then the United Nations is obligated to provide for the security and defence of Liberia. The persistent attacks on Liberia, we believe, are precipitated and encouraged by the knowledge that dissident forces have of the existence of the United Nations arms embargo on Liberia, which leaves Liberia vulnerable to such callous and unwarranted attacks on its nation and people by dissidents outside of the country. The Security Council arms embargo has not only undermined and compromised Liberia's capacity for self-defence, but it has further deprived our universities from obtaining needed laboratory chemicals, deprived our industries from acquiring essential explosives for mining and rock quarries. Hence, the arms embargo continues to have a disruptive impact on our educational system and our economy as well. In this post-conflict environment, there is the urgent need to build confidence and enhance the capacity of government institutions, such as health, education and agriculture-related agencies and security apparatus, which are vital to meeting the basic needs of Liberians, including ex-combatants. Pledges were made toward the achievement of this objective in Paris in December 1997. However, little aid has trickled in to further the reconstruction programmes of our Government. Despite the assurances from the international community that the road to international assistance was a successful disarmament process followed by the holding of free and fair elections, the international donor community has continued to pursue a policy of punitive disengagement. Pursuant to this policy, essentially, all known avenues for obtaining assistance are laden with impractical conditionalities, which are difficult to meet even by countries that have not experienced civil war. We wish to note that this exclusionary attitude approximates the imposition of economic sanctions on Liberia and its people. However, whatever justification we may rationalize, there is a population of Liberia that has suffered the scourge of seven years of civil war: vulnerable children, women and the elderly, who deserve humane assistance irrespective of any political imperatives; people who care less for the politics of the machination of power brokers who arrogate unto themselves the right to determine what is acceptable behaviour in the international political system. I might add that Liberians are not automatons. As a sovereign people, we claim the incontestable right to exercise the leading role in determining our destiny, especially the right of ownership of our development programmes. We are an integral part of the human family, pulsating with needs and aspirations that are good and honourable. We too desire to reap the benefits of the people-centred development underlined in the Millennium Declaration. At this precarious period of our national life, Liberians have shown uncommon resilience and are relentlessly striving to rebuild their lives. What we seek from the international community is its empathy and human understanding in providing the requisite assistance that will enable Liberians to enjoy the basic human rights of food, security and peace. Importantly, we wish similar benefits for our neighbours and others beyond the West African subregion. Following the successful celebration of the Millennium Summit, which reinforced our collective determination for the improvement of the management of the United Nations in the twenty-first century, it would seem morally incongruent that the 23 million people of Taiwan are being denied the right to participate in a United Nations. General Assembly resolution 2758 (XXVI) denies the Taiwanese people the right to participate in United Nations activities and contravenes the United Nations Charter's principle of universality. How can such injustice suffice in this era of increased global interaction, economic interdependence, political transformation, democratization and rapprochement? With the undeniable record of the Republic of China, its experience in democracy as proven by the recent election of President Chen Shui-bian, its respect for human rights, its economic power resulting from its acceptance of the market economy; the energy, imagination and courage of its people; technological achievements and humanitarian attributes all over the world, who would query its overarching relevance? Liberia fervently reiterates its call for the inclusion of the Republic of China in this world Organization. We believe that the Republic of China 5 can make important contributions that would serve the best interests of the United Nations community. The world has witnessed a significant achievement in science and technology, leading to rapid industrialization and the improvement of the standard of living of humankind. Although the gains in science and technology have led to the development of new medicines and other scientific knowledge, it has equally posed a threat to the environment and human survival. Rapid industrialization and scientific discoveries are dangerously impacting the environment. Unless we modify our activities, the sweet stories of scientific achievement will sadly lead to tragedy and doom. In this new millennium we cannot ignore the potency of threats posed by environmental degradation to our survival. Saving the planet is a precursor to the continued existence of its 6 billion inhabitants. This is why my delegation supports the efforts of the Commission on Sustainable Development, and endorses the Commission's recommendation to convene a General Assembly summit-level review, preferably in a developing country in 2002, to reassess the decision reached on Agenda 21 at the Rio Conference in 1992. Among the many impediments to social and economic development in Africa are poverty, poor health delivery systems, intra-regional wars and civil conflicts. It is a known fact that there is a correlation between war, civil conflict and the spread of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS pandemic targets and destroys our human resource, which is the basis for our socio-economic development. United Nations records show that the prevalence of HIV/AIDS increases in countries affected by war and civil conflicts, owing to population movements. Therefore, we should not ignore the fact that post-conflict countries need special attention to fight the disease. Throughout Africa, HIV/AIDS accounts for the increase in the death rate among young people and adults between ages 10 and 24, and 25 and 45 respectively. We appeal to the relevant United Nations agencies and other partners in the HIV/AIDS programmes to help Liberia obtain the $6.5 million needed to prevent and control the spread of HIV/AIDS. Meanwhile, in reference to the Inter-Agency Standing Committee working group established by the Security Council in January this year to examine the relationship between war and civil strife and the spread of HIV/AIDS, I would like to state my delegation's endorsement of the targets set for reductions in new infections, and applaud the measures taken thus far to provide care, support and access to information and medication for HIV/AIDS victims. Hence, my delegation commends the United Nations for its assistance to countries significantly affected by this dreadful epidemic. Apart from HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and polio contribute immensely to the obliteration of socio- economic gains in countries where they are widespread. Cognizant of the impediments that these infectious diseases pose to our socio-economic development, Nigeria has offered to host an African Summit on HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and other infectious diseases in the year 2001. Meanwhile, we commend President Olusegun Obasanjo for hosting the African Summit on “Roll Back Malaria” in April this year. We in Liberia have not relented in our efforts to reduce, if not eliminate, these health scourges that continue to threaten our social and economic development. Hence, the Liberian Government in cooperation with the World Health Organization has, as a result of a vigorous campaign, successfully contained polio, which killed and immobilized thousands of our citizens in past years. The polio vaccination campaign targeted 900,000 people, and the number of people vaccinated was 911,423. I am pleased to report that, if I am allowed to borrow and paraphrase the main slogan from this successful campaign: we are determined to “Kick polio out of Liberia”. Liberia continues to be saddled by the debt burden. This debt overhang, which remains a major contributor to the gap between the rich and poor nations, was acquired out of loans given in the pursuit of influence in the cold war, which, as I stated in my address to the Millennium Summit, was not in the interest of the borrower. As a result of the debt burden, our children are deprived of food, education, health care, and jobs for their parents. While we commend countries that have taken steps to relieve poorer countries of their debt burden, I 6 emphasize that unless all rich creditor nations adopt measures to erase this burden, it will continue to be oppressive, and an impediment to sustainable development for poor countries. Liberia rejects the proclaimed efficacy of the highly indebted poor countries initiative, and calls upon the G7/G8 countries to consider a comprehensive debt waiver programme for all highly indebted poor countries. In January this year, the meeting on poverty reduction and growth held in Libreville, Gabon, highlighted the situation in post-conflict countries that the Copenhagen Conference failed to address. In this regard, Liberia has proposed the holding of a regional summit of post-conflict African States to develop a realistic approach to debt eradication, and calls on the international community to support this important venture. As I conclude, I cannot help but wonder what this new Millennium has in store for the people of the world. Nationalism remains an unchallenged reality today, despite the wave of globalization engulfing our world. Also, the politics of power and “might makes right” still pervade in inter-State relations, especially among the powerful. Will the powerful break down the zeal of nationalism under the cover of their demand for good governance, democracy, transparency and human rights? We have indeed seen with what double standards and ulterior motives these demands have been made. Or, will the lofty tenets of the Charter be upheld in equally recognizing and respecting the right of self- determination of the small and the big, the poor and the affluent, in a world rich in cultural diversity deserving of coexistence in peace and universal harmony? Will this millennium see the end of cultural hegemony and arrogance, primitive sentiments undeserving of this new age of enlightenment and technology? Only the test of consistency between our moral value system and our actions will stand witness to posterity.