Turkey

Our deliberations come in the wake of the historic Declaration just adopted at the Millennium Summit. Today, we look into the future with greater confidence. Our commitment to the principles enshrined in the Charter is undiminished. Our enthusiasm to turn our Organization's goals into solid realities remains high. In our quest for a better world, we are to derive our inspiration from our democratic values; our energy from the dynamism of our societies; and our strength from global solidarity and shared responsibility. Today, there is no greater challenge for us than the prevention of conflicts and the achievement of peace. The horrors we witnessed in Europe, the Far East and Africa in the course of the past decade compel us with a sense of urgency to devise effective conflict prevention mechanisms and strategies. In his Millennium Report, the Secretary-General articulates the means for conflict prevention. These recommendations, when adopted and implemented, will provide the required capacity and credibility. As an increasingly active member of the international community, providing civilian and military contingents to peace efforts in different spots, as far apart as South-Eastern Europe and East Timor, Turkey will give substance to United Nations efforts to prevent conflicts. As peace operations become a core function of the United Nations, we feel the urge to have a sounder financial basis. Turkey therefore supported the review of assessments for the apportionment of expenses for peacekeeping operations. We hope that these discussions will lead to a fairer redrawing of the scale. The rapidly globalizing world provides an appropriate environment for Turkey, at the heart of Eurasia, to serve as a bridge between many nations and civilizations. A priority task is securing peace and stability in the Balkans. The Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe, in which Turkey plays an active part, provides a good framework for cooperation and development in the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, the full implementation of the Dayton/Paris accords is still our objective. We should preserve Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multi-ethnic, multicultural, independent and sovereign State. Turkey will continue to contribute bilaterally and through multilateral endeavours to Bosnia and Herzegovina's state-building and reconstruction efforts. In Kosovo, the United Nations has been able to put in place arrangements enabling the population to sustain their daily lives, but the current state of ethnic violence does not inspire hopes for a promising future. The United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo has set new rules for the administration of Kosovo. We look forward in particular to the full recognition of the vested rights of the Turkish community of Kosovo. We hope the shortcomings in this respect will soon be corrected, allowing the multi-ethnic and multicultural structure of Kosovo to be duly reflected in its public institutions and organs. To turn to a positive development, I should underline that the constructive trend in our relations with Greece I mentioned in my address last year to the General Assembly continues. During the year, we have signed nine agreements for cooperation in a variety of areas, ranging from economy to culture. In this context, the rapprochement between Turkey and Greece that we initiated has already brought about positive results. The mutual rediscovery by the peoples of Turkey and Greece of one another and their reconciliation provided the main dynamics of the rapprochement. Almost on a daily basis, politicians, mayors, businessmen, trade-unionists, artists, writers, sportsmen and student groups visit each other across the Aegean or Thrace. Trade between the two countries is flourishing. An unprecedented flurry of activity is being observed along the Aegean coasts and in Thrace. Bilateral tourism is on the rise; joint investments are being carried out. A memorandum of understanding for a joint Turkey-Greece-European Union pipeline project to transport Central Asian and Caucasian energy to Western Europe has been signed. All these positive developments have revealed once again that the Turkish and the Greek people are in favour not of confrontation, but of cooperation and friendship. The peoples of our two countries have not only superseded their politicians, but have raised a most significant barrier to any inclination to move backwards. The rapprochement between our two peoples constitutes the best guarantee against the inclinations of some politicians who, once in a while, yearn for the confrontational past. Turkey's attention is also focused on developments in the southern Caucasus and Central Asia. Our historical, cultural and linguistic affinities with the countries of those regions serve as a major asset in our joint efforts to see the peoples of the region move towards higher levels of security and prosperity. Recent terrorist activities, however, pose a new threat to the peace and security of the Central Asian States and are of major concern. We are now seeking ways as to how we can best assist those countries in their struggle against terrorism. Recent events demonstrate once again that we have to fight international terrorism collectively. We commend the efforts of the United Nations to strengthen the legal framework in the fight against terrorism and urge the General Assembly to keep the matter high on its agendas. The developments in Afghanistan are cause for grave concern, as they have a direct impact on the stability of a huge region, including Central Asia. In the southern Caucasus, peace has yet to be achieved between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The international community has the obligation to contribute to ending the Armenian occupation of parts of Azerbaijan. Stability in Georgia, on the other hand, remains a goal. We have put forward the idea of a stability pact for the Caucasus and are following up our initiative. The regional countries must develop a growing awareness of the wide-ranging benefits of regional cooperation. Here, I should also underline that attempts to defame other nations or to extract enmity from history will serve no useful purpose. No nation in the world has the right to use or distort history in order to achieve some kind of identity. Historical research should be left to scholars. In this day and age, we expect all nations to concentrate their efforts on cooperating with each other for the good of their peoples. The Middle East peace process has reached a crucial phase. Turkey has always underlined the importance of a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement on the basis of international legitimacy and within the framework of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and of the principle of land for peace. The Palestinian issue lies at the core of the Arab- Israeli conflict. On the other hand, it has again been proven during the course of negotiations that Al-Quds is the decisive element for peace between Palestinians and Israelis. Progress was made at the Camp David summit, as it was the first occasion at which there was frank discussion of all issues, including the most sensitive. We are heartened to witness the willingness of both sides to continue negotiations and to explore all possibilities. We encourage the parties to remain engaged in order not to waste this historic opportunity. Turkey is endowed with centuries of experience regarding the area, the wider region and its problems. We also have deep historical, moral and cultural ties with the peoples of the region. Turkey has good relations with the Israeli and the Palestinian parties alike and enjoys their trust. This prompted the parties to solicit our contributions in recent weeks to facilitating a better understanding and greater confidence between them. Turkey will continue these efforts as long as we all think them useful. I would also like to underline that Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon, within the framework of Security Council resolution 425 (1978), was a step in the right direction. We also hope that negotiations on the Israeli-Syrian and the Israeli- 12 Lebanese tracks will resume soon and reach a mutually acceptable solution. As we are recommitting ourselves to uphold the principles enshrined in the Charter with increased determination and vigour, we should likewise avoid being captive of approaches not based on reality. In the same vein, efforts to impose solutions that do not take into account the realities on the ground are doomed to failure. In line with this very basic logic, the settlement of the Cyprus issue must be compatible with the existing realities on the island. To refresh memories on this particular subject which is sometimes distorted in public opinions by some powerful centres, I would like to summarize the historical background. Cyprus became an international problem as of December 1963 when the joint Turkish-Greek Republic was forcibly destroyed by the Greek Cypriots and an unconstitutional rule was set up at the expense of the Turkish Cypriots. The present situation in Cyprus came into being after the coup in 1974 engineered by Nikos Sampson, the coup leader, who was acting in coordination with the colonels' junta in Greece. This coup murdered many Greek Cypriots as well. The coup toppled Archbishop Makarios and forced him to flee the country. They staged widespread terror and moved to make the Turkish Cypriots subjects of a Greek Cyprus which was designed to be an integral part of mainland Greece. Turkey, as one of the guarantor powers by virtue of the London and Zurich Agreements, intervened to terminate the ongoing massacres and to prevent the perpetration of similar atrocities in the future. Accordingly, Turkey averted an ethnic cleansing on the island and spared the Turkish Cypriots from sharing the tragic fate of the Muslim Kosovars and Muslim Bosnians of the future. Therefore, it would be a gross distortion of history to consider Turkish intervention as an occupation. On the contrary, it symbolizes liberation for nearly 200,000 Turkish Cypriots. Due to Turkish intervention, not only did the coup in Cyprus fail, but also the junta collapsed, and democracy returned to Greece. Since 1974, peace and security has prevailed on the island. Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots live on the island as two independent states, two functioning democracies, representing two distinct peoples. In spite of a ruthless economic embargo imposed upon them by the Greek Cypriots, the Turkish Cypriots have made considerable economic progress. It is stipulated by the United Nations that both parties through separate referenda should approve a comprehensive settlement mutually acceptable to the two parties. In case the settlement is rejected by one of the parties in its referendum, the proposed solution becomes null and void. It is out of the question, therefore, for an international organization or any other grouping to impose its own solution on the parties. In this framework, the membership of Cyprus in the European Union, of which Turkey is not a full member, would be an indirect enosis and contrary to the London and Zurich Agreements. If a mutually acceptable settlement is sincerely sought, then the model is quite clear, based on the realities of Cyprus: a confederation consisting of two states. As to this model, the two independent entities, by virtue of reaching an agreement between themselves, will transfer some of their functions to the confederal bodies. Thus, both the integrity and diversity that emanate from the realities of the island would be preserved. A mutually acceptable settlement in Cyprus cannot be reached through romantic descriptions but through realistic assessments. Therefore, to define the division of Cyprus as the last wall of Europe might sound fashionable but the connotations it brings and the parallelism it draws are totally erroneous. First of all, the line defined as a wall was not drawn by Turkey. This line was drawn by the United Nations peacekeeping forces in 1963 in order to protect the Turkish Cypriots from the assault of the Greek Cypriots. This is the year when the Greek Cypriots illegally got hold of the state apparatus and conducted violent assaults against Turkish Cypriots. To refer to some recent arrangements by the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on its sovereign soil as an act strengthening the existing barriers is irrelevant. For the walls to tumble down in Cyprus, the Greek Cypriot side must first free itself of its present frame of mind. Turkey favours a viable settlement of the Cyprus issue. It supports President Denktaş' confederal proposal and the proximity talks initiated by the Secretary-General. I would like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my Government for the efforts of the Secretary-General as well as his Special Adviser on Cyprus, Mr. de Soto. 13 As a new century is being initiated, it is regrettable that the richly endowed continent of Africa is yet to receive its share from globalization. Especially the prosperous nations have to make a sustained effort to counter poverty and disease in Africa and give the peoples of Africa the hope and the means for a more promising future. We have to vigorously pursue our efforts to make the world a safer place for all. Turkey has always encouraged efforts aimed at achieving meaningful and verifiable arms control and disarmament arrangements. In this context, we are also supportive of nuclear disarmament. It is with this understanding that we are signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and to the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). We urge all countries that have not yet done so to do likewise. One of the tools at the disposal of the United Nations to respond to countries that violate international peace and stability is sanctions. In recent years sanctions have become a prominent tool in United Nations collective efforts. There is now an on- going debate on the subject and an assessment is being made on the utility of sanctions. The effectiveness of sanctions, as we see it, has two important aspects. The first has to do with whether the sanctions applied to a given country or area serve their intended purpose. This, in turn, raises the question of whether the sanctions are properly targeted and whether there is universal compliance. The second aspect concerns the proper implementation of sanctions. They are invoked on the premise that the decisions taken by the United Nations will be respected and that all will share the ensuing burden. Therefore, the collateral effects of the sanctions on third States, and especially the uneven burden they place on countries neighbouring the targeted State, are issues that must be addressed. Moreover, we also should see to it that the adverse effects of sanctions on innocent people, especially on children, women and the elderly, are minimized. After the widespread economic setbacks of the past few years, the healing process of the global economy gathered momentum. Global integration has been further fuelled by bold leaps in science and technology. However, there is no room for complacency. To ensure that the benefits of revitalized growth are felt evenly on a global scale, continued and intensified efforts are needed at national and international levels. It is not only the countries that have been exposed to the negative effects of globalization that stand to lose as a result. Global inequality threatens to become a source of political and social instability. The elimination of poverty should therefore remain our paramount goal. To reach this goal, we must achieve good governance, transparency and participation. We must also build strong social safety nets. But these will not yield the results being sought if we do not make adequate provision for the education our people. As physical borders begin to fade, the minds trapped within national domains must also change and be transformed. We applaud the growing role of the United Nations in the economic and social sphere. With its role in breeding a culture of international cooperation and solidarity a genuine culture of international cooperation and solidarity the United Nations has indeed been a source of inspiration for us all. In one respect we feel we possess most of the elements for a promising future, ranging from increased universal awareness of human dignity to strides in science and technology. Yet, at the same time, we are distressed to find ourselves plagued by war, weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, racism, xenophobia, poverty and many other evils, both old and new. As the new millennium is ushered in, we must embrace rationalism, empathy and human solidarity in tackling our common problems. Only then can we relax, having fulfilled our responsibilities to the next generation.