188. My delegation was very distressed to learn that Mr. Fanfani, President of the Assembly, had been the victim of an accident. Before beginning my statement I should like, personally and on behalf of the members of my delegation, to express our heartfelt wishes for his speedy recovery.
189. It is now my pleasant duty to express to him also, on behalf of the Government and the delegation of the Central African Republic as well as on my own behalf, our hearty congratulations on his election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twentieth session. In electing him to this high office, the Members of the United Nations have recognized his indisputable qualities as a statesman.
190. I must also add, as several of the previous speakers have pointed out, that we have also not been unmindful of his origin, for he is a direct product of Latin culture from whose historic influence, moreover, my country is glad to have benefited to some degree, through France of course. My delegation, therefore, is firmly convinced that, under the enlightened guidance of Mr. Fanfani, our labours will not fail to meet with real success.
191. May I also pay a well-deserved tribute to the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Quaison-Saokey, and to the Secretary-General, U Thant, whose perseverance and clearsightedness have helped to lead our Organization out of the memorable impasse in which it was floundering desperately. Throughout the nineteenth session of the General Assembly — and what a difficult session that was — a son of Africa and a son of Asia together placed at the disposal of the United Nations the best that the Third World has to offer.
192. My delegation would like also to convey its warm congratulations and its most sincere wishes for prosperity to the three new States, the Gambia, Singapore and the Maldive Islands, which have just been admitted to membership of the United Nations.
193. After this introduction, I should like first to recall that last January during the nineteenth session, the representative of the Central African Republio concluded his statement in the general debate as follows;
"... we should like to express, as we begin the year 1966, our fervent hope of seeing international co-operation at work in every field to make our world more habitable, not only for the weak and poor nations, but also for those that enjoy both wealth and power”. [1316th meeting, para. 307.]
194. Three events of vital importance to the life of the United Nations seemed to show us that our hope was going to be fulfilled. First, there was the solemn reaffirmation, last June at San Francisco, of our common and unshakeable faith in the United Nations. Then there was the ratification of the amendments to the Charter designed to enlarge the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, two of the principal organs of the United Nations. Lastly, I should point out that my country was relieved at the solution of the crisis caused last year by the question of the applicability of Article 19 of the Charter. There is no doubt that the twentieth session will take place under normal conditions and in an atmosphere of complete serenity.
195. However much that prospect may encourage us, we cannot, unfortunately, ignore the spectre of continuing insecurity which haunts all mankind. We have a strong feeling that the world is approaching its end, and it is no exaggeration to use this phrase if we understand peace as the happiness and the joy of living in tranquillity. That kind of peace, which is very dear to all nations, and to all men, seems to be unstable. This instability reveals itself in three different ways; the exploitation of man by man, the subjugation of man by man and — the real tragedy — the arming of man against man.
196. My delegation considers it natural, therefore, that, in considering the main items with which the General Assembly is to concern itself during this session, we should begin by briefly stating our views on the problem of general and complete disarmament.
197. First, we consider deplorable the abusive use of the principle that "whoever wants peace prepares for war". Even if, historically speaking, this axiom were justified, it should be applied with more discretion in our day and age. Yet man is still constantly being armed against man. Not satisfied with the disastrous effects of conventional weapons, we have dared, under the pretext of scientific and technological progress, to place in the hands of man another type of weapon which is the surest means of destroying the world; I refer to atomic weapons.
198. We are at present witnessing a frantic nuclear arms race together, the proliferation of such arms and the contamination of the atmosphere. Huge sums are being spent on this which could well be used for improving the lot of the two thirds of. the world’s population who live in poverty, ignorance, disease and hunger.
199. It is high time that this goal was considered henceforth by all men as the only fitting goal for our era, for it is nobler, more humanitarian, in a word, more civilized. Painful though such observations may be, they should cause reflection and concern and impel us inexorably towards complete disarmament and a general halting of nuclear and thermonuclear tests.
200. In this connexion, the Moscow Treaty, while still arousing enthusiasm, seems far from having the effects and the logical extensions in which mankind justifiably placed great hope. Behind the reasons of principle advanced to excuse them, we see such evils as mutual distrust, exaggerated egoism concerning progress achieved and an inexplicable fear of losing prestige in this field.
201. My delegation considers it urgently necessary to arrest the dissemination of atomic weapons and to halt nuclear and thermonuclear tests wherever they may be carried out. It also believes that Africa should be denuclearized and that general and complete disarmament, with all its implicit guarantees of control, must be considered with all speed. To that end, we believe that a world conference is necessary which all the nuclear Powers, without exception must attend.
202. The role of the United Nations in this connexion must be seen as particularly important. All possible steps must be taken to make the Powers concerned realize their heavy responsibility to mankind.
203. The more the arms race favours the outbreak of armed conflicts, the more the Central African Republic condemns the use of force for the settlement of disputes. Thus, with regard to the situation in Viet-Nam, we repeatedly reaffirm the principles in which we believe, namely, non-intervention by foreign Powers and the absolute freedom of all peoples to choose their own destiny. If those truths are not observed, disturbances and misfortunes will inevitably follow; that has already proved true. That is why we hope for the immediate cessation of hostilities and at the same time hope that a substantive solution acceptable to all will be found without delay.
204. Apart from the problem of Viet-Nam, another trouble-spot has arisen recently in Kashmir between our friends in India and Pakistan. No one underestimated the seriousness of that situation nor the incalculable consequences it might have. Fortunately, thanks to the persistent efforts of our Secretary-General, a cease-fire has been put into effect. It is regrettable to note that, despite all this, sporadic fighting is breaking out. We can only express our confidence that the goodwill of the opposing parties will bring about a final solution which will take into account the interests of all.
205. In the Middle East, the distressing problem of the Arab refugees remains unsolved in spite of the determination of the United Nations to settle the matter by peaceful means. Is there any need to stress the value of a direct dialogue, of negotiation stripped of all political passions, between the parties concerned?
206. The same observation applies to the question of Cyprus which will also be one of our main items of concern.
207. We wish to reaffirm that we condemn also anything which may, directly or indirectly, lead to war, whether cold or hot, localized or general; the history of nations has eloquently demonstrated how painful are the consequences of war: the emergence of divided nations, separated families desperately awaiting the reconstruction of their ruined homes. That kind of situation calls for a humanitarian and speedy solution which can properly be found only through the application of the principle of self-determination; that is the only possible way to reunification which is the prelude to desirable political stability.
208. In this connexion, everything possible must be done to bring about the peaceful reunification of Germany and of Korea. The competence and the authority of the United Nations with regard to Korea must' be recognized by all the parties concerned.
209. There is one living reality to which we should not obstinately close our eyes. I refer to the People's Republic of China. The United Nations must retain the universal character which its founders gave it at its birth. The admission of the China of Peking to the United Nations presents no legal problem and we must closely associate that country with our debates and our joint decisions if we wish it to co-operate in a positive way in the cause of world peace. Indeed, my delegation believes that the admission and the actual presence of that country in the United Nations would be one effective way of enabling us to assess whether or not it was prepared to fulfil the obligations laid down in the Charter.
210. By retaining in its agenda the item concerning the future of colonial peoples [agenda item 23], the United Nations is demonstrating its unshakeable determination to bring about, however great the cost, the complete elimination of the social and political system of oppression and subjugation of man by man. We cannot fail to be encouraged by this state of affairs which is, after all, the result of our joint efforts. But it is obvious that we will not be entirely satisfied as long as the vestiges of colonialism, the dark areas, still remain in any part of the African continent.
211. We therefore think that it is completely inadmissible for an aggressive Portugal and an arrogant South Africa, both outlawed by society, to pride themselves, the one on its anachronistic concept of colonization and the other on its revolting policy of apartheid.
212. Some theoreticians assert that colonization has three objectives: evangelization, civilization and trade. We are among those who recognize that the colonization carried out by other countries has had positive results in many parts of Africa. But so-called Portuguese Africa rejects a gospel which preaches hatred and crime, a civilization which it has not been able to assimilate, and trade which bleeds it white. That part of Africa wishes, in a spirit of brotherly friendship, to recover its full dignity; it wishes to be free, independent and sovereign in order that it may forge its own destiny.
213. Apartheid, which is corroding the southern part of Africa, is capable at any time of creating more serious complications if we do not find an effective remedy for it. Sentimentality about South Africa is tantamount to a betrayal of the cause of the United Nations and is therefore, an admission of complicity.
214. Some large nations have won our admiration and friendship through the broadmindedness and wisdom they demonstrate in some circumstances. Nevertheless, they know that no one can claim to be a champion of the lofty ideals of the United Nations and behave like an enemy of those ideals. Intellectual honesty does not tolerate such a contradiction. The United Nations requires the total and unconditional support of all its Members.
215. The problem of Southern Rhodesia is no less disturbing and demands an urgent solution. The whole world should focus attention on the United Kingdom, which possesses all the means necessary to break the resistance of the minority Government and avoid the emergence of what might be called "a Rhodesian South Africa".
216. The United Kingdom has substantial achievements in decolonization to its credit. We have just applauded, in fact, the accession to national sovereignty of the Gambia, Singapore and the Maldive Islands, after many other African States. We are confident that the traditional liberalism of the United Kingdom, which is in a position to exert a whole range of legal and economic pressures, will ensure that the legitimate demands of the majority in Southern Rhodesia are satisfied.
217. In economic matters, what is scandalous is not only the growing gap between the prices of primary commodities and those of manufactured products, which is one of the basic reasons for the persistence of under-development, but the continuing disparity in resources and levels of development between the industrialized and the developing countries. In order to remedy that alarming situation so far as possible, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was held at Geneva last year and the emergence of a spontaneous association of seventy-seven developing countries was one of its positive results.
218. It is to be hoped that the new trade institutions established at Geneva will begin to operate smoothly in the very near future and that the group of seventy-seven countries — which should show willingness to cooperate fully and loyally — will benefit greatly from the spirit of understanding expected of the highly industrialized countries.
219. My country, having attained full sovereignty as a member of the international community, by an agreement reached in a spirit of friendship with the France of General de Gaulle, is happy to be a full Member of the United Nations. It wishes to reaffirm once again its determination to abide by the spirit and letter of the Charter, which it considers of paramount importance.
220. The Central African Republic wishes also to be a neutral country, a voluntarily neutral country, which does not mean that it is indifferent to matters relating to international peace and security.
221. Within the international community, the Central African Republic proposes to choose its friends freely with scrupulous respect for the principle of non-intervention, in the profound belief that those relationships, which are bound to become increasingly closer and stronger, do not necessarily constitute a commitment, much less an allegiance.
222. On the specifically African level, both in regional and inter-African relations, we are guided by a continuing concern for good neighbourliness and we reject any idea of interfering in the affairs of our partners, whether they belong to the Equatorial Customs Union in Central Africa, the African and Malagasy Union or the Organization of African Unity. The peaceful conditions — if we may refer to them — which prevail throughout our country bear testimony to our full support for the principle of peaceful co-existence.
223. Being dedicated to the sacred cause of African unity, we have set ourselves the goal of improving the very low standard of living of our people and in order to attain that goal, we are endeavouring, despite the handicap of being land-locked, to intensify our trade relations with all countries, beginning with those which are determined to help us in one way or another to fulfil our true selves. "Truth", as the philosopher M. Van der Meersoh said, "is neither art, nor music, nor opulence, nor wit, nor laughter, nor joy paid for by the labour of others. It is rather shared suffering, the momentary shouldering of our neighbour's burden, a tear brushed away, a coaxed smile an old man consoled. That is truth and joy. It cannot be explained, it cannot be demonstrated, it can be known only by taking the risk, by living it."
224. That is why our national party, the Mouvement de Involution sociale de l'Afrique noire (MESAN) has given first priority to the vital tasks of the feeding, care, housing, education and clothing of our people.
225. This ambitious, but exciting programme, does not, as we have said, divert us from our international commitment, namely, the sacred mission of all Members of the United Nations to make our world more livable every day not only for the weak nations but also for those which are both wealthy and powerful.
226. This means simply that the vastly superior interest of the world community makes it incumbent upon us, today more than ever, to strengthen what must be regarded as the pillars of the United Nations: peace among nations and peoples, equality among men whoever they may be, among peoples and therefore among their respective nations, increasing and warmer Christian brotherhood and, finally, more intensive and positive international co-operation in all fields of endeavour.