64. It is not my intention, nor do I consider it to be proper for me, to attempt to sum up the general debate which is about to be concluded, but I must admit that what I have to say in the course of my statement is not unrelated to a careful study of the various statements which have been made by the representatives of Governments in this Assembly.
65. The main objective of the United Nations is universal and lasting peace. No one in this Assembly has disagreed with that objective. On the contrary, the necessity for securing peace has been emphasized over and over again and one might say that it has been, and rightly so, the main theme in this general debate. We all agree that permanent peace must be secured. The prospects, however, of accomplishing this objective do not seem to be, at the moment, very bright.
66. it has also been generally stressed that if we are to secure peace, certain necessary prerequisites must be fulfilled. These prerequisites are universal respect for and implementation of certain principles which constitute the only sound foundation upon which peace can be safely and permanently based. Likewise, there has been no difference of opinion, at least as far as the vast majority of the Member States are concerned, with regard to the necessity of attaining and fulfilling these prerequisites. The vast majority of the Members agree that freedom for all, nondiscrimination, self-determination, respect for the sovereignty of States, respect for the independence and territorial integrity of States, respect for human rights, and social and economic justice must be fully and universally accepted, not only in theory, but also applied in practice, if the goal of peace is to be promoted and attained.
67. The question, therefore, which confronts us all is why the world is still faced with so many serious and grave problems, why peace is so much in danger. Why is it that humanity is perhaps more than ever before so near the edge of catastrophe? There is no disagreement as to the objectives of securing permanent peace, and there is complete agreement among the vast majority of the Members of this Organization as to how that noble objective can be attained: namely, by fulfilling certain basic prerequisites which comprise the purposes of the United Nations.
68. To put it in another way, the question which is before us and requires an answer, the question to which we must attempt to give a clear answer — for the responsibility of all of us, individually and collectively, is grave towards the future happiness of humanity — is: what is wrong? What lies at the root of the problems with which we are confronted? In my submission, there is one basic reason why we have not been able as yet to attain our objectives. It is the fact that certain countries, in spite of their commitments, have been refusing to honour their obligations under the Charter, and that it has not, as a result, been possible to bridge the serious gap which exists between declarations of principles on the one hand and their implementation and respect for them on the other.
69. This basic flaw must be effectively dealt with if we are to proceed with some hope of achieving our objective, the objective of the United Nations — lasting peace. If we are to face the realities which confront us with some hope of success, we must not hesitate to put our faith and our confidence in the United Nations. We must strengthen the United Nations so that it may be able to perform its task effectively and decisively.
70. I am quite aware of the fact that I am not bringing
out something new; but it is also true that if we are to provide the desired answer and remedy which the whole of humanity is longing for, we must not so much search for it in the field of theory, but must rather face the realities of the situation in their true perspective and to make a determined effort to meet them effectively. Our objective cannot be promoted if we do not apply in practice what we collectively profess and stand for. Our objective cannot be achieved unless each one of us individually and all of us collectively resolve to see to it that the basic principles upon which the fulfilment of our objective depends are fully respected and implemented on. a universal basis.
71. The answer to the question which is before us is, in theory, simple. The problem is how to give this answer practical effect. We do not underestimate the difficulties and we should not. But we must overcome them. There is no alternative. This is our imperative duty; it is our responsibility; it is our obligation towards humanity. We have the machinery and we must utilize it. We have the means and we must use them. We have the appropriate instrument we must strengthen it, we must accept its authority irrespective of any consequences to our own individual selfish interests. We have the United Nations, reflecting in its Charter the noble aims, aspirations and expectations of humanity and providing the only sound foundation upon which world order can be based.
72. The international situation is grave. The problems which face the world and the United Nations are most serious. We must face the situation fully conscious of our responsibilities. We must try to be effective. We must resolve to make the United Nations effective, as our collective instrument for the preservation of peace based upon justice and freedom.
73. Amidst the gravity of the situation we welcome one good omen. Last year one could not help voicing a sense of frustration over the fact that the United Nations found itself unable to function properly and to deal with many important and pressing issues which appeared on the agenda of the nineteenth session. Most of us expressed at the time our deep disappointment that, because of a dispute-over a most important issue, indeed, if examined in isolation, but a very trivial one, if I may say so, if examined against the background of the necessities of mankind and the expectations of the world — the United Nations General Assembly was unable to function properly. The obstacle has somehow been surmounted and the General Assembly is now functioning normally, which in itself is a source of optimism and encouragement. I should like to express the earnest hope that this deep-felt feeling of relief coming after a feeling of frustration may result in a fresh and more dynamic approach that will make the present session a truly historic landmark. The visit of His Holiness the Pope and the significance of the message of peace he delivered to us, will, I trust, greatly contribute to this end.
74. We have the responsibility of going ahead more urgently, not simply to regain the time that has been lost, but because we cannot afford to lose any more time. The many varied crises and problems that unhappily becloud the international horizon make it all the more urgent that this session of the General Assembly fully play its role in a new effort to promote the cause of universal peace and the objectives of freedom and justice.
75. I sincerely hope that under the wise guidance of the President — who most regrettably is not with us today, because of an unfortunate accident from the effects of which I earnestly hope he will soon recover — we shall be able to go much farther in our difficult task of achieving our objectives. In this connexion I wish to join with all the others who have spoken before me in whole-heartedly congratulating Mr. Fanfani on his election to the Presidency of the General Assembly. It is a well-deserved honour for a statesman of his standing, who has served his country well for so long, and whose contribution as well in the field of international co-operation and understanding has been very significant.
76. I would also wish to join others in expressing deep appreciation to my dear friend and colleague, Alex Quaison-Saokey, who, with such exemplary ability and such a sense of statesmanship, presided over the nineteenth session of the General Assembly under circumstances most difficult and complex.
77. I also feel that it is my duty to pay tribute to the Secretary-General. His devotion to the cause of peace and his ceaseless and persistent efforts in pursuit of the ideals upon which the Charter is based have won for him the universal acclaim and respect which he so truly deserves.
78. At a time when the United Nations is showing renewed vigour and vitality, it might be appropriate to remind ourselves that, regardless of any fluctuations in its fortunes, the United Nations has been and remains the fountainhead of hope for all mankind. Its drawbacks and shortcomings notwithstanding, the United Nations has time and again proven its indispensability as the best available bulwark of peace and safeguard against injustice. We must all by now have realized that the world could not afford to let the United Nations collapse. We must, therefore, spare no effort to increase its effectiveness and boost its moral power and authority. We must not look at the United Nations merely as a forum where we can air our grievances, state our policies and make our declarations. We must accept its authority and we must sincerely put our faith and confidence in it. We must strive to make it the world organ with universal representation, which is also so necessary if its authority is to be accepted by all.
79. We welcome the further step that has been taken this year towards the desirable goal of universality. We welcome the admission of the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore to the ranks of the United Nations. We are confident that these new and dynamic countries will actively contribute to the success of our work.
80. The United Nations was created twenty years ago to meet the necessities and fulfil the expectations of mankind as a whole, the necessities which have been established from the lessons derived from the past and from expectations for a better future.
81. On this twentieth anniversary of the United Nations, we have reaffirmed our faith in the principles of the Charter. We have rededicated ourselves to the purposes of the Charter. We have declared once again that colonialism must be eradicated, that racism must be eliminated, that freedom must become universal, that self-determination must be fully applied, that the sovereignty of all States must be respected, that intervention in the internal affairs of States must be excluded, that conditions of peace must be created. But that is not enough. We must make sure that our declarations are fulfilled. To this end, I repeat, we must make the United Nations effective. We must take concrete steps.
82. An important item on our agenda very closely related to the dispute which resulted, last year, in the suspension of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly, is the question of the peace-keeping operations — the peace-keeping role of the United Nations. Because of the special circumstances regarding Cyprus, my Government has developed a particularly vivid interest in this subject. The maintenance or restoration of peace and the prevention of armed conflict in any part of the globe is a task of the highest priority and importance to the United Nations. We are greatly encouraged by the detailed attention which the matter has received from the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, the members of which deserve the gratitude of this Assembly, and we share the expectation that the present session will mark much more progress towards reaching decisions of a wide-ranging and comprehensive character in this respect. The initiative of the Government of Ireland [see A/5966/Rev.2] merits careful consideration. It must become our task to explore all the possible solutions to this issue which would guarantee a sound and long-term arrangement in the crucial field of peace-keeping. But, of course, peace-keeping alone does not solve the problems.
83. The problems themselves must be decisively tackled. The causes of the problems must be sought out, found and removed. We must not simply refer to them and analyse them for the purposes of record, but we must face them in a determined manner and take the necessary steps to solve and eliminate them. In other words, we must make certain that our principles, our declarations, the criteria which we have laid down as the standards for the solution of the problems, are fully complied with and implemented. We must proceed in a new spirit. We must become conscious, fully conscious, of the fact that peace is indivisible and that justice, freedom and democracy are indivisible, and we must become fully conscious of the fact that, unless we decide to respect what we all collectively, by virtue of our Charter, stand for, we cannot achieve our aims. We must not tolerate the situation in which the selfish interests of some supersede our common objective. We must not accept a situation in which certain principles are propagated and promoted in one case, and yet the very same principles are being completely ignored and set aside in a similar case. We cannot tolerate intervention in one case and oppose intervention in another case. We cannot speak of the full sovereignty of one State unless we are prepared unreservedly to respect the sovereignty of all. We cannot support the application of the principle of self-determination in one case and yet deny it in another. The United Nations cannot promote the application of double standards varying according to the interests of some.
84. The United Nations must make it clear that it cannot accept injustice and that it intends to take effective steps to eradicate it. We have made it clear by the resolution adopted by this Assembly on 12 October [resolution 2012 (XX)], and we must make it clear again, that we refuse to tolerate the situation existing today in Southern Rhodesia. We must make it clear once again that the principle of self-determination on the democratic basis of one man, one vote, must be without any reservation or delay applied to that territory. The United Nations cannot, under any circumstances, accept the concept of two classes of citizens. The attempt of the illegal Government of Southern Rhodesia to perpetuate racial oligarchy and deny to the majority their democratic right to determine the future of their country and its form of government, cannot be countenanced.
85. The situation in Southern Rhodesia today, as in South Africa yesterday and today, does not only constitute a denial of basic rights; it also constitutes an insult to the United Nations, and it is as such that we must treat it. We cannot accept the argument that the British Government has no authority or not enough authority to remedy this situation. We believe that the British Government has a great responsibility, both legal and moral, and we are convinced that it is in a position to remedy, and must remedy, this situation and undo the harm that has been done. The United Kingdom has the full backing of the United Nations in this respect. Paragraph 4 of resolution 2012 (XX) reads as follows:
"Calls upon the United Kingdom to use all possible measures to prevent a unilateral declaration of independence and, in the event of such a declaration, to take all steps necessary to put an immediate end to the rebellion, with a view to transferring power to a representative government in keeping with the aspirations of the majority of the people.
86. This call must be heeded and complied with. Southern Rhodesia must be granted self-determination on the basis of majority decision. Justice demands it. The Charter demands it. So does peace and human dignity.
87. The United Nations must be more effective in eliminating all forms of discrimination on whatever basis, in every part of the world. Likewise, there can be no excuse for the delay in fully implementing the Declaration on the elimination of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. The United Nations must take positive steps and effective measures to see that territories like Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, and all other territories under foreign rule of one form or another, be granted complete independence as a matter of urgency; for otherwise we would be condoning the existence and the perpetuation of sources of friction, sources of danger, sources of injustice. Similarly, situations like those in Aden and Oman should be rectified in compliance with the Charter and declarations of the United Nations. The last traces of colonialism must be eliminated. The vestiges of foreign domination must be wiped out, and we should not relent until a perfect score is attained.
88. Another of the serious problems which once again appears on our agenda is the question of the Palestine refugees. This problem is not simply a problem of a humanitarian nature, but it is also a problem of respect of principles: the principles of the Charter, the declarations and the resolutions of the United Nations. My Government has subscribed to the Cairo Declaration of the Non-Aligned Countries, in this as well as other respects, and has consistently taken a position in accordance with this Declaration.
89. Intervention in the internal: affairs of a State or forcible intervention, on any pretext, at the expense of any State, in violation of its sovereignty and independence, must .be condemned without any hesitation and without any qualification whatsoever, whether such intervention is perpetrated by a big Power or a small one. The sovereignty of States cannot be interfered with or curtailed or violated by anyone, for if we had taken a different attitude, even in one single case, we would be ourselves undermining the United Nations and its Charter. The principle of nonintervention is one of the most basic principles upon which relations among States and peaceful coexistence can be based and must be based. It is encouraging and highly gratifying that additional emphasis is being given this year to this most important subject by the inclusion in the agenda of the present session, at the request of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, of the item entitled "The inadmissibility of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and the protection of their independence and sovereignty" [see A/5977]. The principle of non-intervention and the principle of the respect of the sovereignty of States are of a universal character. Intervention and violation of sovereignty cannot be condemned in one case and propagated or tolerated in another.
90. I have touched upon certain of the problems which today exist. All of these problems are the direct result of the non-respect and the non-implementation of the principles of the Charter and the declarations of the United Nations. On the international horizon there are some other potentially explosive situations, some of them currently going through a stage of acute crisis. It is revealing that many of them are the legacy of colonialist policies and can be traced directly to the partitioning of territories, to the division of peoples under the pressure of interests alien to those of the people themselves. Some of those situations have been the cause of perpetual friction and intermittent bloodshed. Time has been unable to heal the after effects of the application of the policy of divide and rule, as the recent events with regard to Kashmir have so sadly reminded us.
91. In all humility I submitted at the opening of my statement, that what lies at the root of the various problems, basically, is the gap which exists between the declaration of principles on the one hand and the respect and implementation of such principles on the other. This is obvious in the case of most, if not of all, of the problems with which we are confronted. It is definitely true of the Cyprus problem.
92. It has been a source of encouragement to us to have witnessed in the course of this general debate a reaffirmation of and a rededication to the principles of the Charter by the vast majority of Member States. It is these very principles that we wish to see respected and implemented in the case of Cyprus. There was complete unanimity during the debate for the scrupulous respect of the sovereignty of every State. I assume that this unanimous opinion refers also to Cyprus. There was complete unanimity with regard to the respect of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of one State by another. I feel justified in assuming that this would also relate to Cyprus. There has been unanimity as to the necessity for the respect and acceptance of complete independence and equality for every State Member of the United Nations. I trust that this policy also holds good in the case of Cyprus. I trust that the general acceptance of the principle that all peoples must be left free to look after their own affairs in the way they think fit and determine their future in accordance with their own wishes, is a principle which is also applicable to the people of Cyprus. I hope and trust that the principles contained in the declarations of the United Nations and in particular the letter and spirit of the Declaration on decolonization, which we all have agreed should apply to all territories under foreign rule without exception, would also and a fortiori apply in the case of an independent State, Cyprus, a Member of the United Nations.
93. These; few remarks set out in a summary form the Cyprus question. The Cyprus problem is a simple problem of respect for the principles of the Charter. It is one of those cases in which double standards have been used. It is one of those cases that illustrate in the most convincing manner what I attempted to state earlier concerning the existence of a great gap between declaration of principles on the one hand and respect and implementation of those principles on the other.
94. I believe that, if anyone wishes to be objective and fair in his judgement with regard to the merits of the Cyprus question, he must be prepared to accept certain facts; he must be prepared to accept the truth, irrespective of whether the truth may please or displease him. I am confident that, for the vast majority in this Assembly, that is easy. For a few, however, it may require courage. But I am certain that, if that courage is shown, it will not only be to the benefit of Cyprus and its people, it will not only be in the interests of the United Nations, it will not merely constitute a service to the cause of indivisible justice, indivisible freedom and indivisible democracy, but it will also be a great service to peace.
95. Cyprus, in its long history, has gone through many vicissitudes. It has suffered not through the fault of its own people but through having been for centuries the subject of exploitation by others. It has been occupied by many. It has suffered oppression by many. We are today still suffering from the consequences of foreign domination and colonial rule.
96. We in Cyprus are entitled to believe that there should be an end to the sufferings and the injustice. We believe that we have done nothing which should deprive us of the rights to which we are entitled -not only under the Charter of the United Nations, not only in conformity with the principles of democracy and freedom, but also in keeping with human dignity and morality. We cannot help but feel more aggravated, more disappointed, when we recollect the services that our small country and our people rendered to the cause of freedom. But, of course, it is not on this account that we are placing our demands before you. Our demands stem primarily from the Charter of the United Nations, the principles and the declarations of our Organization, as well as from our inherent right to dignity and equality.
97. The problem of Cyprus has been made to appear a complex problem, but its complexities have artificially been created, not for the purpose of serving the interests of the people of Cyprus but for the purpose of serving alien interests. A number of spurious contentions and allegations have been and are being advanced against the just cause of Cyprus by those who, in order to promote their own interest, have not hesitated to abuse the truth. I shall deal very, very briefly at this stage with these contentions.
98. First, it is argued that we have accepted certain treaties which, the argument goes, cannot be set aside. There is a vast — very vast — difference between free acceptance and forced imposition. We shall have ample opportunity, I trust, to explain our position fully on this point at the proper time and explain how the so-called agreements were conceived and imposed. At the present stage, however, I would wish simply to point out an elementary principle, namely, that there can be no valid agreement, either in municipal or international law, the subject matter of which transgresses the fundamental rules of law and morality.
99. In the case of Cyprus, the subject matter of these agreements was the virtual denial of the basic rights to which the people of Cyprus are entitled, the virtual denial of the right to self-determination, the virtual denial of the right to full sovereignty, the virtual denial of the right to true independence and the virtual denial of the principle of majority rule. In other words, the subject matter of the "contract" was illegal and immoral, in that it was intended to deprive Cyprus of its fundamental rights under the Charter. It is relevant in this respect to quote Article 103 of the Charter:
"In the event of a conflict between the obligations of the Members of the United Nations under the present Charter and their obligations under any other international agreement, their obligations under the present Charter shall prevail."
100. Furthermore, the use that has been made of those so-called agreements by Turkey is clear enough to illustrate the illegality and immorality of those instruments: the fact that Turkey violated the territorial integrity of Cyprus, its independence and its sovereignty, basing itself on the so-called Treaty of Guarantee; the fact that the imposed Treaty of Alliance became the means of aggression which still continues through the illegal presence of Turkish troops in Cyprus; the fact that the so-called Treaty of Guarantee was invoked for the purpose of brutally bombing Cyprus. All these have served to confirm the illegality and immorality of those agreements which were imposed when Cyprus was still under colonial rule.
101. The second contention which has been and is being advanced for the purpose of preparing the ground for solutions unacceptable to the people of Cyprus is that in Cyprus there are "two separate communities". The term "communities", as I said in exercising my right of reply the other day to the Turkish Foreign Minister [1358th meeting], while innocuous in itself, has come to acquire a special significance in the case of Cyprus. It may sound strange to some people to hear us resent and object to the use of the term "two communities", but I am confident that they will understand when they hear of the historical background to the concept of the "two communities".
102. When Cyprus became a British colony after the First World War and the rule of the Ottoman Empire was formally terminated, there was in Cyprus a Turkish minority. The members of the minority were given a free choice either to be repatriated to Turkey or to remain in Cyprus, but, in the latter case, to cease to be Turkish nationals. A considerable number of them decided to remain and make their home in Cyprus. They did not choose to go back to Turkey. They remained in Cyprus, living peacefully, intermingled with the rest of the population throughout the island in complete harmony. When, however, the struggle of the people of Cyprus for self-determination reached the point at which the colonial Power needed some excuse, needed some new way to complicate the issue in its efforts to defeat the Cypriot struggle for freedom and self-determination, it decided to bring into the picture — in 1955 — the former occupying Power of Cyprus, that is Turkey, as "an interested party", in complete disregard of the perfectly valid and legal Treaty of Lausanne, by virtue of which Turkey solemnly renounced all rights and interests in regard to the territories formerly under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, including, of course, Cyprus.
103. The colonial Power, at the same time, inspired and instigated a section of the Turkish minority in Cyprus to oppose the struggle of the people of Cyprus for self-determination. A number of Turkish Cypriots, well paid by the colonial Power, were enlisted in the so-called Auxiliary Police Force and collaborated with the colonial Power in trying to put down the legitimate revolt for freedom and justice. I should think that reference to the practice of "divide and rule" by the colonial Power would sound familiar to many in this Assembly.
104. One of the devices used by imperialism at the time in order to put a check on the liberation struggle was that self-determination should not be applied and that, if we insisted, it would lead to partition because of the existence in Cyprus of an ethnic Turkish minority of 18 per cent. This device aimed, on the one hand, at obstructing the struggle of self-determination, and, on the other hand, at encouraging Turkey to become even more involved — because there was some hesitation at the beginning. The expansionist instincts, therefore, of another country were awakened by the colonial Power in the latter's effort to remain in control of Cyprus. It was thus that the term of "two separate communities" was given a divisive significance.
105. This concept has since been taken up and developed by Turkey. As a result of the creation of these artificial complexities, the Zurich and London Agreements were improvised and imposed upon Cyprus, when Britain decided to relinquish its authority. These so-called Agreements became later the means of promoting further the idea of separation, division and partition, a policy which has been persistently followed by Turkey, in furtherance of which an armed Turkish rebellion against the State broke out late in December 1963 with the tragic consequences that culminated in the bombings of Cyprus in August 1964.
106. The third spurious allegation that is being used by Turkey is that the Turkish minority in Cyprus is in danger of being exterminated by the Greek majority. This is a preposterous charge. The minorities in Cyprus have nothing to fear. Proof of this is to be found in the escapes of Turkish Cypriots who are detained in conditions of intimidation in a few small Turkish enclaves in furtherance of the policy of division pursued by Turkey. Those who have escaped have sought the protection of the Cyprus Government and the protection of members of the Greek majority. The majority of the Turkish Cypriot population are, at the moment, living in the areas controlled by the Government together with their Greek compatriots, and no problem exists.
107. While the question of minorities is an internal matter for every State, the issue of human rights for all citizens may understandably be considered as a matter of international concern — and we are prepared to accept this. I wish to emphasize once again that the human rights of every citizen in Cyprus, irrespective of his race, origin or religion, are fully protected and safeguarded. Moreover, my Government, in its sincere desire to allay any fears that may exist in regard to this matter and in a gesture of goodwill towards the Turkish minority of Cyprus, and in its wish to assist constructively as much as possible toward a final solution of the Cyprus problem, has decided to make a declaration of intention in regard to the safeguarding of human rights to all citizens of Cyprus. In addition, my Government has decided to declare its intention of granting to the minorities certain important additional rights which may be considered as privileges. These rights are to be guaranteed internationally. This was officially made known to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in a communication dated 4 October 1965, addressed to him by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios [A/6039]. May I respectfully request the representatives to study this document carefully. I wish merely, at this stage, to quote that part from the Memorandum attached to the Declaration dealing with the safeguards and guarantees of human rights and minority rights:
"In addition to effective safeguards under municipal law — in particular by entrenchment provisions and recourse to a competent court — the Government of the Republic of Cyprus is prepared to accept, for a reasonably transitional period, United Nations guarantees.
"The Government of the Republic of Cyprus, following the recommendations of the Mediator of the United Nations, is prepared to accept the presence in Cyprus of a United Nations Commissioner with an adequate staff of observers and advisers who will observe, on such terms as the Secretary-General may direct, the adherence to all rights referred to above and for the purposes of assuring observance of human rights to adopt such appropriate machinery as the Secretary-General, on the advice, if necessary, of the United Nations Commission of Human Rights, may recommend." [Ibid., memorandum, section III.]
108. May I ask, in all solemnity, how many Governments would have been prepared to grant such specific minority rights in addition to human rights as my Government proposes to do? How many Governments would have been prepared to accept far-reaching international guarantees of the nature which my Government has declared its readiness to accept? At a time when the Greek population in Constantinople is persecuted and the historic seat of the Greek Orthodox Church is being threatened, the Cyprus Government has decided to grant all these privileges and guarantees to the Turkish minority.
109. Since December 1963 various attempts have been made to keep the question of Cyprus outside the framework of the United Nations. But we have finally succeeded in bringing this matter to the United Nations, in spite of the pressures that have been exercised against such a course. Various attempts have been made to solve the problem in an unhealthy manner, in an artificial way. Various attempts have been made to satisfy the interests of other countries at the expense, again, of the people of Cyprus. We shall deal with those attempts when the specific question of Cyprus comes up for discussion.
110. We want, as I have often stated in the United Nations, a peaceful solution. That is why we have agreed to assist as much as we could the United Nations Mediator appointed by virtue of Security Council resolution 189 (1964) of 4 March 1964. We have co-operated with him in good faith and in a sincere desire to solve the problem in a peaceful way. One thing, however, we have insisted upon — and we shall go on insisting and we shall not compromise whatever the cost to us—is that the Cyprus problem must be solved in accordance with the wishes of the people of Cyprus. It must be solved upon the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We have insisted, and we shall not deviate from our position, that Cyprus is a fully sovereign and independent State — an equal Member of the United Nations — and that no one has the right to violate or curtail or limit or restrict its sovereignty and independence. We have insisted that partition or any other divisive solution which would have disastrous consequences, must be ruled out. We have insisted that the United Nations principles must be applied, and these were in fact the terms of reference given to the United Nations Mediator, by the Security Council in its resolution 189 (1964). The United Nations Mediator having carried out extensive consultations and having studied the problem in depth, presented his report to the Secretary-General on 26 March 1965. The report is now before the Assembly [See A/6017]. This is the report of the representative of the United Nations — the report of the man appointed, with the consent of all, by the Secretary-General in pursuance of a Security Council resolution. It is a report that cannot be ignored for it gives the views of the United Nations representative. We have urged that the Mediator should be allowed to continue with his task.
111. The Turkish Government not only rejected the report but it also refused to co-operate further with the Mediator himself, because obviously his findings did not suit the plans of Turkey. The Mediator stressed in his report, in conformity with his terms of reference, that the criteria upon which the solution to the problem should be based must be the United Nations criteria, the United Nations principles. Turkey, therefore, far from doing its utmost to find a peaceful solution as the Foreign Minister of Turkey professed the other day, attempted to undermine the United Nations effort for a solution to the Cyprus problem in accordance with the Charter and Security Council resolution 189 (1964). We continue, on our part, as indeed the Secretary-General of the United Nations does, to accept the representative of the United Nations, Mr. Galo Plaza, as the Mediator and we are ready to continue our sincere co-operation with him in pursuance of resolution 189 (1964). The mediation efforts and the Mediator's report, which is a basic document before this Assembly, must be considered in detail at the proper time.
112. In this connexion, I wish to pay tribute to the United Nations Mediator, Mr. Galo Plaza, and express our deep appreciation for his persistent efforts. His ability and integrity have won for him the respect of all of us and, I feel confident in saying, of the vast majority of the countries represented in this Assembly.
113. I have dealt at some length with the Cyprus question but I have by no means exhausted the subject. There are many issues relating to it which we shall undertake to analyse in detail when this specific question comes up for discussion. Some of the relevant issues upon which I have briefly touched in the course of this statement also require more detailed analysis, to which we shall proceed at the proper time. In concluding on this subject, I should like to point out that the whole question, the whole problem of Cyprus, turns upon whether Cyprus is or is not entitled to enjoy the same rights as every other sovereign State and whether the same principles which apply to every other sovereign State, and which we say should apply to every territory under foreign rule, are also applicable to Cyprus.
115. My delegation has always laid stress on the need to halt arms production and to freeze the existing levels of armaments, particularly among the nuclear Powers, as collateral measures preliminary to an over-all disarmament agreement. In addition to these over-all considerations, however, there are certain aspects of the disarmament question which deserve particular mention. It is of the utmost importance and urgency that the further spreading — whether it be termed dissemination or proliferation — of nuclear weapons be prevented. Likewise, it is necessary that all States accede to the Moscow Treaty on the banning of nuclear tests and that this Treaty be extended to cover underground tests as well.
116. My delegation has supported consistently the initiative for the holding of a world disarmament conference in which all the countries in the world would participate, as an important step for a renewed effort to tackle the issue. My delegation also welcomes the progress made by the States of Latin America towards an agreement to keep their territories free from nuclear weapons, and shares the hope expressed by the Secretary-General that this development might have a catalytic effect on other initiatives for denuclearization, for preventing the further spread of nuclear weapons and for other measures of disarmament.
117. We also welcome the initiative taken by thirty- four African countries which requested the inscription of the item on the denuclearization of Africa, and we attach particular importance to the resolution adopted in July 1964 by the First Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity stating their readiness to undertake, through an international agreement to be concluded under the auspices of the United Nations, not to manufacture or control atomic weapons, and appealing to all nuclear Powers to conform to this resolution.
114. Before I conclude my statement I should like to refer very briefly to the questions of disarmament and economic development. Disarmament, both as a general item and in certain of its particular aspects, again features prominently on our agenda. It is discouraging, but not totally unexpected, to learn that no substantial progress was achieved during the past year. While general and complete disarmament, subject to effective international control, continues to remain the goal we should strive for, it must, at the same time, be admitted that certain prerequisites must be satisfied before any practical hope for an agreement can be validly entertained. No State can be reasonably expected to disarm unless it can feel confident of the existence of a collective security- system which assures it of its defence. It is this role which a strengthened United Nations could play most constructively, if only its own Members would permit and enable it to function in this way. Likewise, no State can be reasonably expected to submit to international inspection and control as long as it has reasons to suspect that other States may use the inspection processes for purposes other than those intended. Again an appropriate United Nations machinery, inspiring to all full confidence concerning its impartiality, might prove the invaluable instrument to overcome this difficulty.
118. For our part, we hold strong views against the storing of nuclear weapons by any of the nuclear Powers on the territories of other countries. Likewise, we hold that the disarmament process cannot be complete without the withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed in all countries or without the elimination of all foreign bases maintained against the wishes of the country concerned. Cyprus is one of those countries upon the soil of which foreign bases are maintained and foreign troops are stationed. We may have to deal with these issues specifically in the course of the debate on the Cyprus question.
119. Disarmament, if and when achieved, would not only have the desired effect of freeing the world from the nightmare of nuclear holocaust. It would also release for peaceful uses the enormous funds and resources now spent on armaments. It might well be appropriate to emphasize again that, whole the efforts to achieve disarmament measures are under way, a certain fraction of the huge amounts involved in defence spending on the part of the developed countries could be directed to increasing the aid to developing countries, preferably through the channels available in the United Nations family of agencies. While we are gratified at the progress made in setting up new machinery through the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for promoting parallel objectives, and while expressing satisfaction at the successful operation during the past year of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and of the Special Fund, we nevertheless feel that, in view of what is needed, much more can be done, with appropriate goodwill, to expand and increase the volume and scope of economic assistance through the United Nations, thereby further contributing to the strengthening of this Organization, as well as benefiting the recipient countries.
120. I have attempted, in my modest contribution to this debate, to deal with certain general as well as certain specific issues. I sincerely believe that if we are to promote our noble objectives we must do our utmost to strengthen the United Nations. Whatever the problem we attempt to deal with, we see clearly the necessity for the United Nations to perform an important and perhaps decisive task.
121. Whether it is peace-keeping, whether it is disarmament, whether it is decolonization, whether it is the application of the principles to which we are all committed, whether it is the elimination of discrimination, whether it is respect for the principle of non-intervention, whether it is respect for human rights, whether it is respect for and the application of the principle of self-determination, whether it is the prevention of conflicts, or whether it is the peaceful settlement of disputes, the necessity for the United Nations to be effective is as urgent as ever. Let us all, therefore, try sincerely and collectively to turn the Charter of the United Nations into a living reality on a universal basis. Let us go forward and try to ensure effectively and decisively the implementation of and respect for the principles of the Charter and of our Declarations. Let us satisfy with vigour and with resolution the necessary prerequisites in order to promote our primary and basic objective, namely, peace based on equality, complete freedom and true justice. Let us sincerely and in absolute good faith and with determination, try to make the twentieth session of the General Assembly a truly historic landmark, the beginning of a new era in international relations, the prelude to great achievements that may gradually but steadily lead us to our final goal: universal peace.