45. In celebrating its twentieth anniversary, the United Nations feels obliged to take stock of its eventful years of growth. It would be only natural that on emerging from its adolescence this Assembly should glimpse prospects of an era of justice, peace and harmony.
46. This being our task, I cannot conceal the satisfaction of the Algerian delegation, which welcomes the good omens represented by the resumption of normal activities and the brilliant election which has rightly entrusted Mr. Fanfani with the heavy responsibilities of the President of the General Assembly. I should like to take this opportunity to wish him a speedy recovery.
47. It gives us pleasure, in congratulating the President of the twentieth session of the General Assembly on behalf of Algeria and its Government, to point out that our confidence and faith in him attest to the esteem we feel for the intellectual and statesman who, doubtless out of respect for the values of ancient Rome, has closely followed the problems of a troubled world. It would, however, be dangerous to indulge in excessive optimism with regard to the real significance of this return to normality, lest other crises should take us by surprise.
48. The General Assembly is resuming its work in conformity with established procedures. That does not mean that the serious problems of which the recent crisis was but one manifestation have been solved. It is true that after long months of debate and negotiation it has been agreed that the financial crisis should be overcome through voluntary contributions, all pressure being eschewed.
49. The financial crisis itself arose from a confrontation of different concepts concerning the powers of United Nations bodies with regard to peace-keeping and the policy to be followed by the Organization's forces when they were called upon to intervene. These legal and political differences, which have been developing for many years, are in fact the reflection of contradictions which have gradually been revealed by a changing and developing world. The dangers which had to be averted after the Second World War have greatly changed; the basic contradictions which existed twenty years ago have diminished considerably having been replaced by different contradictions which are even more acute. The unity achieved by the five great conquerors of fascism, who are now only four, for the purpose of safeguarding the principles and positions for which they had fought, is no longer capable of holding them together, since the dangers which forced them to unite no longer represent a potential threat. As soon as any serious threat to international security directly involves the responsibility of a great Power, the pact worked out in the spirit of the Charter becomes inadequate and completely unsuited to the solution of the problems raised. This has led to a paradoxical situation in which a session of the General Assembly did not even take place because the permanent members of the Security Council disagreed on the interpretation of an Article of the Charter. It has also led to another paradoxical situation in which the most serious problems concerning world peace are not even placed on our agenda.
50. On the twentieth anniversary of our Organization, the time has come to reconsider the problems and to seek ways of adapting United Nations bodies to the complex realities of the modern world through structural reorganization.
51. The problem does not consist in contrasting the rule of full equality among States with the special responsibilities which might devolve upon some countries whose political and above all material power is a recognized fact. Although it is an element which cannot be ignored, that fact should in no way constitute the principal fact on which everything is based. It it is admitted that these two concepts cannot be contradictory but should be complementary, then solutions may be found which will make it possible to overcome the crises and trace the appropriate path to a speedy solution of the problems.
52. We think that we should devote all our efforts to ensuring that this inevitable period of growing pains through which the United Nations is passing is brought to an end as smoothly as possible, for we remain deeply convinced of the imperative need to safeguard our Organization and give it more strength and vigour. The failure of the United Nations in its mission would have catastrophic consequences for the cause of international peace and co-operation. Our Government remains firmly attached to the United Nations and its principles. For that reason, it fervently hopes that the Organization will succeed in overcoming its contradictions, so as to respond to the great hopes placed in it by the peoples of the world.
53. One of the steps which the United Nations should take in order to reach that goal is to restore the rights of the People's Republic of China. It is obvious that international problems cannot be properly discussed without the effective participation of a country representing one quarter of the human race, which in addition has become a nuclear Power. If we exclude one of the essential elements of the balance of forces in the world, we cannot seriously hope to perform any work of lasting value and still less to confer upon our decisions the universal character which gives them their force. Deeply convinced of this, the Algerian delegation, together with ten other delegations, has requested the inclusion in our agenda of a separate item entitled "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations" [see A/5971 and Add.l and 2].
54. A brief analysis of the events of recent months shows clearly that although peaceful coexistence is developing and becoming stronger among forces which were formerly aggressively hostile to each other, hotbeds of tension, and even of hot war, have appeared in the less developed regions. At the present time, the most serious and immediate threats to international peace and security are the aggressiveness of the imperialists, who refuse to accept the logical consequences of decolonization, and the belief that it is possible to apply peaceful coexistence in one area and not in others. The relaxation of tension in the world must inevitably be based on full and complete decolonization and the acceptance of peaceful coexistence in all areas and countries of the world. In this period, when areas of tension are found in the developing countries and when, behind a facade of ideological conflict, efforts are being made to retain material advantages or to seize them by force, the concept of peaceful coexistence must apply not only to relations between countries with different social systems but also to relations between great Powers and small countries.
55. The appearance of nuclear weapons has introduced a new element into the balance of forces in the world. Although the balance of terror which it engenders has ended by imposing peaceful coexistence as an imperative necessity of our era, it is nevertheless true that the threat of nuclear war is widely used in order to intervene with impunity in areas where the balance of forces favours the aggressive Power. In these circumstances, any attempt to tackle the problem of non-dissemination of nuclear weapons without linking it closely to that of prohibiting their manufacture and destroying existing stocks would be tantamount to inviting the world to endorse the maintenance of the existing situation.
56. My country, which signed the Moscow Treaty and adheres firmly to it, and which remains convinced of the need to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, wishes to draw the attention of delegations to the difficulty of isolating one aspect of the problem from its global context and invites them, to make a frontal attack on the very essence of the denuclearization problem.
57. Furthermore, the destruction of nuclear weapons must be accompanied by disarmament in the field of conventional weapons. The interrelation of all these phenomena, the predominance of the political aspect over the technical aspect, the need to set up as soon as possible the machinery leading to general and complete disarmament, are some of the reasons militating in favour of a world disarmament conference. We must admit that the United Nations has achieved no results in this field. This situation is not due to a lack of serious studies on the technical aspects of the question, but to unwillingness and to the fear of embarking upon a course leading to disarmament. Responsibility for disarmament devolves upon all countries, and a meeting of all the Governments of the world is probably the surest way of reaching a common definition of methods that would enable us to begin the disarmament process.
58. The worsening of the situation in Asia is an example of the consequences of the political concepts I have just mentioned. Recent developments in Viet- Nam constitute the most serious element in the present international situation. The intensification of the United States bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam endangers world peace and constitutes an exceptionally serious precedent. The international community must do all it can to halt these acts of aggression and put an end to the war.
59. Whatever the ideological implications of the problem may be, it is none the less true that the Viet-Namese people have the right to determine their own fate without any foreign interference, that their unity is an undeniable historical fact and that their division is the accidental result of the decolonization process, closely linked to the phenomenon of the conflict between the blocs. The Viet-Namese problem is essentially a colonial phenomenon and cannot be solved without that factor being taken into account. In our view, the Geneva Agreements of 1954, which defined the process of decolonization and reunification, still constitute a valid basis for the settlement of this conflict.
60. Since the basis for a solution already exists in the form of agreements signed by the great Powers with the assent of the peoples concerned, it would dangerous to seek another framework for the solution of this problem.
61. We consider the position taken by France to be worthy of interest. That country, which was long a colonial Power in that area, favours the faithful implementation of the Geneva Agreements and a comprehensive settlement in that part of the world.
63. In addition to the war in Viet-Nam, South-East Asia has been seriously shaken by the conflict between India and Pakistan. Algeria, which has close links with both these countries, was deeply grieved by this conflict, the seriousness of which almost endangered the solidarity and the common struggle of the peoples of Asia and Africa. It is for that reason that we welcomed with great satisfaction the news of the acceptance of a cease-fire between the two parties. We especially appreciated the important role played by the Secretary-General, U Thant, in order to reach that end. We sincerely hope that peaceful negotiations will lead to a solution of the Kashmir problem, which divides the two sister countries, India and Pakistan, a solution in conformity with the principles of the Charter, which have been endorsed by the two parties and by all of us, and to the relevant United Nations resolutions.
64. The decolonization process has also led to the division of another Asian country by establishing an artificial State designed to act as a bulwark of imperialism in that area. That too is a colonial problem which will sooner or later be settled by decolonization and the liberation of the peoples from the foreign yoke. I am referring to the problem of Palestine. The Palestine tragedy is the tragedy of a whole people, forcibly exiled from their own country by foreign elements which the imperialists wish to use as a Trojan horse. The problem of the Palestine refugees is not a social problem, but the problem of a whole people who must regain sovereignty over their own country.
65. The Palestine Liberation Organization will be supported in its struggle for national liberation not only by the heads of the League of Arab States but by all the anti-colonialist forces in the world.
66. Not far from there another colonial territory, waiting for the aspirations of its people to be satisfied, is still undergoing an ordeal of violence. The latest repressive measures taken by the United Kingdom in South and South East Arabia clearly show that it still wishes to impose its presence in the region by force. At his session, the General Assembly should do everything possible to induce the United Kingdom to comply with General Assembly resolution 1972 (XVIII) on Aden and to recognize the inalienable right of Oman to self-determination.
67. Unfortunately, the misdeeds of colonialism are not limited to Asia. Africa is a victim of its most extreme manifestations. Since the very beginning of the United Nations, the system of apartheid has been the subject of debates that have resulted in resolutions and condemnations. Those texts have remained a dead letter, since the machinery established was inadequate and the means for taking specific action were not available.
62. The Viet-Namese people, who have paid a heavy tribute to the cause of liberation in the world, deserve our admiration and our deep esteem. This heroic people is effectively represented by the organization which it has built up during the struggle, the National Liberation Front. No solution can be found unless
68. To stand helplessly by at a time when racism is becoming more widespread would be to shirk a responsibility which we all assumed when we became Members of the United Nations. That responsibility is equally incumbent upon the founding Members. Those of us, however, who are anxious to give the United Nations the means to act freely run the risk of being accused of weakness, or even of complicity.
69. The choice is clear: either the United Nations takes on its proper task and assumes all its responsibilities in this question, or we continue to follow the same futile course of protesting and doing nothing. In the latter case, it would be very difficult for all those who proclaim their strict adherence to certain ideals not to refuse to allow themselves to be drawn into activities which go against their principles. It is to be feared that if we do not face the consequences of this state of affairs, which is harmful to the prestige of the United Nations, we shall be confronted with a problem which, as it grows, will threaten the peace of the world and the security of Africa.
70. This security is directly threatened today by the development of events in Southern Rhodesia. We have said that in this new South Africa the administering Power has full responsibility. The behaviour of the Salisbury racists can in no way diminish or call into question the role which must be played by the United Kingdom in the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Southern Rhodesian people to universal suffrage, self-determination and independence. Merely to condemn a regime whose fundamental law is allied to violence and oppression would be to invite grievous disappointment. It is the United Kingdom's duty to mobilize the necessary means available to it to assume all its obligations.
71. It would, however, be a mistake to think that the delay granted by the people of Zimbabwe and all the States members of the Organization of African Unity to enable a just solution of the Rhodesian problem to be reached is a sign of impotence or lack of interest. Our willingness to seek a solution that would put an end to an intolerable situation by peaceful means should not blind anyone to the fact that this waiting period cannot in itself alleviate the situation and that an oppressed people cannot wait indefinitely for justice to be done. We are therefore convinced that if the rights of the African people of Rhodesia are not restored, Africa as a whole will oppose, by every means, a racist regime of foreign domination.
72. From this standpoint, Algeria will spare no political, material or even military effort to further the achievement of African liberation in Southern Rhodesia. Within the framework of the Organization of African Unity, the Algerian people and Government will mobilize all available means for the active support of their African brethren of Zimbabwe.
73. Decolonization has still much to achieve. Several countries are still under foreign domination and are fighting for their freedom and sovereignty. The situation remains the same in Mozambique, Angola and so-called Portuguese Guinea. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] is an expression of their aspirations and yet, violating with unparalleled insolence and persistence the Charter of the United Nations and the principles governing our Organization, Portugal, with the support of certain Powers and the help of the Republic of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, is forcibly repressing peoples who are yearning for freedom and independence and is trying to keep them in a state of intolerable subjugation. The United Nations has recognized the right of the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and so-called Portuguese Guinea to independence. It has condemned the policy of general repression and forced assimilation followed by the Government of Portugal. Yet Portugal, like its ultra-colonialist partners, stubbornly refuses to accept solutions that are nevertheless inevitable.
74. Within the framework of an organization which has successfully overcome all obstacles and has faced the problems besetting our continent, Africa presents a united front against these vestiges of foreign and colonial domination. Algeria's commitment to the Organization of African Unity is rooted in geography and history. It is because it believes that solidarity is essential and that, without complete freedom, there can be no consolidation of the peace that Algeria fervently appeals for the establishment of this kind of organization in other continents. To seek more appropriate machinery for the development of international society and the solution of its problems might be the way to strengthen the United Nations.
75. In this context, it is only fair to note the appearance of a determining element in contemporary history: I refer to the solidarity of the countries of Africa and Asia. The importance of this factor in international relations lies not only in the ability of the States of these two continents to work out a common programme of action, but above all in their determination to approach specific problems from the practical point of view and seek appropriate solutions. This is one of the major reasons for the need to develop Afro-Asian solidarity. The fact that the third world, especially the Afro-Asian world, is the arena of the most bitter conflicts strengthens our conviction that this solidarity is not only useful but essential. The need for this solidarity has been brought home to us all, particularly when conflicts have arisen between Powers of the Afro-Asian family.
76. Regional and inter-regional conferences have clearly shown their effectiveness in settling bilateral problems that have arisen between Member States and their ability to find general solutions for the many painful problems confronting certain continents of the third world. They have outlined prospects for the future, thus proving a useful adjunct to United Nations action to overcome certain difficulties that have so far been considered only local, or at the most continental, in character.
77. That is why my country, which is a member of both the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, will spare no effort to make the activities of those two organizations more probing, more positive and more in conformity with the aspirations of the peoples to whom we are specifically and indissolubly linked, and indeed with the aspirations of the whole of mankind. The close interrelationship between the African and Arab regions, in addition to the fact that it destroys all the myths of colonial division, is an important element in the strengthening of Afro-Asian solidarity, in our historic common struggle for the political, economic and social advancement of the disinherited peoples of the world and in our merciless fight against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism throughout the world. We therefore consider that a closer, more extensive and better organized co-operation would help to establish a more favourable international atmosphere for the settlement of certain problems. This cooperation in common action has fortunately extended to the Latin American continent, which shares the most serious of our present problems: the parallel increase in the wealth of some and the poverty of others,
78. Halfway through the United Nations Development Decade, the results achieved are disappointing and it will be impossible to attain the objective we have set if the present conditions in trade and assistance to the developing countries continue to prevail. This stage of development is in fact characterized, first of all, by a reduction in the developing countries’ share of world exports; secondly, by a slowing down in the transfer of capital, the level of which is still far below that advocated by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development; and lastly, by an accentuation of the downward trend of primary commodity prices.
79. The gap separating the prosperous from the poor countries, whose peoples represent, two thirds of mankind, cannot continue to widen without being liable at any moment to threaten the maintenance of peace in the world.
80. Considering that this year is the year in which the machinery of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development is being established, it should be possible at the second Conference, in 1967, to draw up the first positive balance-sheet of the efforts undertaken by the international community as a whole in order to justify and encourage future action. For the developing countries, the first Conference was an expression of their firm hope that a more equitable basis for economic relations between them and their industrialized partners would be sought and established. It was also an opportunity for the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to become more precisely aware of the similarity of their respective situations and of the need for their solidarity.
81. The results achieved during this first half of the United Nations Development Decade are, unfortunately, not consonant with the hopes engendered by the first Conference. Thus, despite the modest nature of the objectives set for it, the expected rate of growth has not so far been achieved.
82. it is true that it is within themselves that the countries concerned must find — and they are striving to do so — the necessary substance for the economic and social advancement of their peoples; but their sacrifices must be made within the framework of collective responsibility for seeking a balance, or more precisely a more just distribution, of wealth in the world.
83. in a world where peaceful coexistence has not put an end to the struggle between the opposing camps, where ideological oppositions are put forward as a pretext for neo-colonialist infiltration and Intervention in internal affairs, the concept of non-alignment is more valid than ever. Algeria clings faithfully to this inviolable basis of its foreign policy, since it is the only way in which a small country can both consolidate its independence and further the cause of cooperation and peace in the world.
84. These objectives are closely linked. My Government is therefore of the view that it is essential to organize the co-operation of all Governments and all forces working to eliminate sources of conflict, to extend the international detente and to further the cause of peace.
85. To strive for the total elimination of colonialism and policies of force and interference, to work towards denuclearization, general and complete disarmament and peaceful and active coexistence between States with different political and social systems, that is the task we must accomplish so that the community of nations can give practical expression to the concepts of independence, justice and peace. It would be a mistake to ignore the seriousness of the dangers which constantly threaten such a path. It is necessary, however, to find in those realities the essential resources for intensifying the only action that can lead our world to transcend its state of perpetual crisis.