1. Mr. President, may I take this opportunity to congratulate you on your election to this very high and important office. Your distinguished career as a public servant of your great country is well known to us all and my delegation is happy that the proceedings of the twentieth session of the General Assembly will be conducted under your able guidance.
2. I should like also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Quaison-Sackey, for the able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the nineteenth session of tile General Assembly at a time when the very existence of this Organization was threatened, I should like to wish him well in his new post as Foreign Minister of Ghana.
3. My delegation joins other delegations in congratulating the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore on their admission to the United Nations. We are always gratified to witness the growth of the United Nations through the admission of new Members.
4. Last year, on that memorable occasion when Zambia became a Member of this big family of nations we made a public declaration and pledge that "Zambia will do all in its power to be a worthy Member of this great international Organization" [1291st meeting, para. 5], We pledged ourselves to fight for what is right and to be true to the principles expressed in the Charter of the United Nations.
5. It is with a sense of great honour and gratitude that my colleagues and I once again take our place in this honourable Assembly, upon which the hopes for the survival of mankind are pinned. This occasion is of double importance to us. Not only are we on the threshold of celebrating the first anniversary of our independence, which qualified us for membership of this family of nations, but also we are here today, together with our sister nations, to mark the beginning of an era with this International Co-operation Year. Few things in the world today can be rated in importance with international co-operation. For in international co-operation, we achieve understanding; in understanding there is peace; and in peace, happiness and prosperity for mankind.
6. We in Zambia, though still suffering from the inevitable teething troubles of new nationhood, are as eager as any genuinely peace-loving nation to promote co-operation and peace in the world. Even with our limited resources, we have established diplomatic missions abroad. We have sent out many goodwill missions to cultivate the ground for international co-operation in cultural, economic and other spheres. We are happy to say that everywhere we went we were received with open hands. This type of symbiosis is dear to the heart of Zambia; and it has been with this genuine belief in international peace and security that we have sent goodwill missions to as many countries as our resources would permit, regardless of whether they were Western or Eastern, States Members of the United Nations or not.
7. We are proud to record that within the first year of our independence we have played host to the Committee of Twenty-Four to make its work more effective, realistic and practical. We have also played host to a regional conference of the World Health Organization. We have not hesitated to participate in the activities of the Organization of African Unity. We have lent support, both financial and moral, together with the other independent African States, in connexion with the South West Africa case now pending before the International Court of Justice. We shall continue to make every effort to play our part in maintaining international peace and security.
8. It is the wish of every country that there should be international harmony and prosperity. But this noble wish is frustrated by the existence of a number of disturbing incidents and situations to which I should now like to refer.
9. The subject of pressing urgency to us in Africa is colonialism and imperialism. I have in mind, in particular, the question of Rhodesia, the Portuguese territories of Angola and Mozambique, and South Africa. Zambia views with concern the contradictions in the policies of some countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization which, while supporting the principles of anti-colonialism and self-determination for colonial peoples, supply arms and ammunition to certain colonial Powers which use such weaponry to suppress their subjects. We regard this as a blatant negation of the principles of the Charter and demand that such malpractices cease.
10. There can never be permanent international peace and security until colonialism and imperialism are liquidated completely. Zambia believes that the existence of colonialism is a naked violation of the Charter; and we call upon all colonial Powers to grant independence of our brethren still under the yoke of foreign domination. For we strongly believe that the exploitation of man by man can never serve the cause of peace and happiness. Foreign rule, however benevolent it may be considered to be, cannot be a substitute for national independence which alone can give men a sense of sovereign equality and the human dignity to which all of us aspire.
11. The question of Southern Rhodesia is of special concern to us. President Kaunda's reply to Southern Rhodesia's threat to carry out economic measures against Zambia should the United Kingdom punish its treasonable act has already been circulated to all Member States by the Secretary-General. It makes clear our stand on Southern Rhodesia. We echo Security Council resolution 202 (1965) as well as the resolutions of the Committee of Twenty-Four calling on the United Kingdom to convene a constitutional conference to which all the political leaders of Southern Rhodesia would be invited for the purpose of elaborating a new constitution leading to majority rule. Britain must act now — not only because Southern Rhodesia is its own creation, but also because, as a signatory to the Charter of the United Nations, it is obligated to bring about self-determination based on universal suffrage in the colony of Southern Rhodesia.
12. We in Zambia are not at all happy about Britain's beggar-my-neighbour attitude towards Mr. Smith's Government. It is quite obvious to everyone that ultimate constitutional responsibility in that colony rests with the British Government, which will be held answerable for anything that may happen to the people of Southern Rhodesia. We view with dismay statements made by the British Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, during his recent visit to West Africa, that the Africans of Southern Rhodesia are not ripe for self-rule and that, in the event of a unilateral declaration of independence, the United Kingdom would never undertake military intervention as a counter-measure because Rhodesia is too strong militarily.
13. The first argument is one which has been harped on in every colonial territory, prior to independence, and we can dismiss it as a sheer gimmick. The second is more than a confession on the part of the United Kingdom. We believe that the United Kingdom is deliberately washing its hands of the Rhodesian problem, giving free rein to the white minority government to achieve its objectives by illegal means.
14. Our opposition to the granting of independence to the minority group in Southern Rhodesia stems from humanitarian considerations. History clearly shows that once a minority group is granted independence it resorts to oppressive rule calculated to protect its own interests, to the detriment of those of the majority. The minority becomes corrupt and spiritually deformed; and this leads to an explosive revolt by the oppressed masses. Granting independence to a minority group thus is equivalent to planting a time bomb. The explosive eventuality must be prevented. This can be effectively done by granting majority rule. It is for this reason also that we warn the United Kingdom not to grant independence to the minority group in Southern Rhodesia, Africa will be free anyway.
15. The existence of apartheid in South Africa poses a major threat to international peace and security. The Government of South Africa has continued to flout international opinion with impunity and has embarked on a course of suppression and enslavement of the indigenous people. That country has not heeded the appeals of the United Nations to abandon its dangerous policies of apartheid. It has even extended its oppressive policies to South West Africa, despite the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice that it, acting alone, cannot change the international status of South West Africa. Even as I am speaking now it is busy building a military base in the Caprivi Strip, which is an international territory, at a point dangerously close to Zambia. South Africa may argue that this base is for commercial purposes. But we know the full facts behind this project.
16. Now I should like to turn to the question of Chinese representation in the United Nations. Zambia stands by its plea that that country should be seated in the United Nations. Apart from China's large population, we feel that certain issues that rend the Eastern Hemisphere and threaten international peace and security could be effectively and speedily settled with China's presence in the United Nations. China has been excluded from the United Nations, ostracized from this international community; it feels frustrated and annoyed. Because of this, it is likely to behave in a way calculated to draw the attention of the world to the fact that it is a Power to reckon with. Is this not human nature? We must have foresight. China has already made its own atomic bomb. Its exclusion from the United Nations will turn it into a powerful antagonist of the United Nations. We have seen the behaviour of China outside the United Nations. Let us now bring it into our fold and watch its behaviour as a Member of the United Nations. Let us, I beg you, forget China's past history and look to the future. In order to achieve the principle of universality in the membership of the United Nations, Zambia believes that all independent States should be admitted to this Organization. We feel strongly that unless this is done, the United Nations will remain defective as an institution for achieving international peace and security.
17. The armed conflict in Asia is fraught with dangers which might lead to global war. Zambia believes that the fighting in Viet-Nam should be stopped to prevent further loss of innocent lives. A negotiated settlement of that conflict is likely to bear more fruitful results than will a military solution.
18. Zambia joins other States in welcoming the ceasefire in Kashmir as demanded by the Security Council. This cease-fire should be followed by a negotiated settlement of the dispute without delay so as to achieve a more lasting peace between the two great nations of India and Pakistan. We should like to pay tribute to these countries for accepting Security Council resolution 211 (1965) calling for a halt to hostilities. We wish also to convey our gratitude to the Secretary-General, U Thant, for the leading role he played in bringing about the cease-fire.
19. Let me now turn to the vexing question of disarmament. We believe — and I am sure most of us here do believe — that man, of whatever social system, race or religion, is the centre of world history — and not his spear, or his guns, or his nuclear bombs. Our duty, therefore, is to man and society and we should spare no effort or time in endeavouring to achieve general and complete disarmament. Zambia does not believe in lip-service on and important issue like this one. We believe in action — and quick action, too. For this reason we did not hesitate to sign the partial nuclear test-ban Treaty. Zambia actively cosponsored the Disarmament Commission resolution reaffirming the call of the General Assembly to all States to become parties to the partial nuclear test-ban Treaty and to consider as a matter of priority the question of extending the scope of the partial test-ban Treaty to cover underground tests. Zambia also believes it is a matter of urgency that the United Nations should consider the question of a treaty or convention to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. To this end we have co-sponsored the inclusion on the current agenda of the General Assembly session of an item entitled: Declaration on the denuclearization of Africa, as we wish our continent to be free of nuclear weapons. We would like to see the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee continue its efforts to develop a treaty on general and complete disarmament under effective international control and consider all proposals for measures to relax international tension and halt and reverse the arms race. We are interested in seeing a substantial part of the resources released by the reduction of military expenditures converted to programmes of economic and social development of the developing countries.
20. Much as we appreciate the fact that the question of disarmament is highly technical, Zambia nevertheless believes that the efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee should be further aided by a world disarmament conference to which all countries would be invited. Such a conference, as conceived by the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in October 1964, would provide powerful support to the efforts which are being made to set in motion the process of disarmament by formulating proposals and guidelines with a view to speeding up general and complete disarmament. Zambia was happy to be one of the cosponsors of the Disarmament Commission resolution calling for a world disarmament conference, because we firmly believe that the question of disarmament should be tackled on a global scale, embracing both the States Members of the United Nations and nonmembers of this international body.
21. One of the causes of international tension is the existence of military bases on foreign soil. Zambia advocates the liquidation of all military bases imposed on foreign territories as a means of foreign domination. However, we make a distinction between military bases imposed on foreign territories and those established and maintained through bilateral agreements which purport to ensure and safeguard the territorial integrity of the countries accommodating them.
22. We, as a non-aligned nation, feel in duty bound to contribute whatever little we have towards complete disarmament. We do not want to see the "cold war" between East and West develop into a "hot war". Indeed, pacification in this vale of tears seems to be the role to which all non-aligned countries are assigned. At this juncture, I feel I should pay tribute to our non-aligned sister nations for the relentlessness with which they have pursued this goal. We are well aware that some people in the West as well as in the East look upon our policy of non-alignment as a compound of political fickle-mindedness, ideological impotence and economic beggarliness. They are, with amazing irregularity, continually labelling us "pro-West" or "pro-East". But they will realize sooner or later that we are none of these things. Our policy is not an improvision in a pit of indecision: it is not a policy of appeasement between the East and the West; it is not symptomatic of any political or ideological sterility. It is a dynamic policy, self-contained, by which we are determined to examine every world issue on its own merits; to criticize or support anyone from the East or the West as a particular situation warrants. We refuse to be slaves to such intransigent ideologies as those of the East and the West. We are realists, not idealists; we are adaptable and not grasshopper minded. Our policy is not isolationist, for isolationism in this brutal world is not only impracticable but dangerous. We do not fear being involved in world affairs. In fact we make it a point that we are worthily involved on our terms but not at the will of other Powers. We, the non-aligned, may be accused of forming a third Power bloc and thereby defeating our own policy of non-alignment. But let me point out that we are not a Power bloc; we are just a moral force dedicated to infuse humane sanity into this callous world of bigotry.
23. I should like to end with an observation on the United Nations. We may seem obsessed with concern for the Organization's future. Well, this is because Zambia sees it as a saviour of mankind from growing international anarchy, and so we are resigned to its continued existence. Despite its shortcomings, this Organization is of paramount importance to us all. We can count among its recent achievements the establishment of the United Nations Trade and Development Board and the conclusion of a Convention on Transit Trade of Land-Locked Countries, of which my country is one. The record of the Economic and Social Council is quite impressive as a shining example of fruitful international co-operation dedicated to raising the living standards of our people.
24. However, we all saw during the nineteenth session of the General Assembly, how this world body ground to a jerky halt, because of conflicting views among its Members regarding the interpretation of some provisions of the Charter. That the Organization was more and more becoming an arena of the East-West "cold war" is obvious enough; but we believe that there was something more to the deadlock. There was a constitutional hitch which suggested that the Charter should be reviewed if the machinery is to run more smoothly. Whilst we accept the principle that the functions of the Security Council and the General Assembly are to be regarded as complementary rather than contradictory, we feel that the respective areas of operation must be more clearly defined. It is with this in view that we suggest that matters of paramount importance to international peace and security and those pertaining to peace-keeping should be referred by the Security Council to the General Assembly for ratification by a two-thirds majority.
25. We should also like to see a permanent fund established for peace-keeping operations, to which all Member States would be required to subscribe annually, for we feel very strongly that the present system of ad hoc assessments and voluntary contributions made in leap-frog fashion is highly unsatisfactory.
26. Finally, Zambia feels as much as other Member States that Article 19 of the United Nations Charter is very important and necessary too; but we feel that the last sentence in the Article is of so wide an import that it is capable of diverse interpretations, leaving loop-holes for defaulting in the payment of assessments. Our view is that specifications should be inserted in Article 19 to prevent such situations from arising; for this noble body must be preserved and strengthened at all costs.
27. You may remember that, last year, the President of the Republic of Zambia made public his Government's intention to make a voluntary contribution to relieve the financial difficulties of the United Nations. It is my honour to announce in the name of the President, Government and people of Zambia that we have now decided to make a voluntary contribution, from our meagre resources, amounting to $14,000. We hope that this small sum will contribute to the welfare of the United Nations, the principles and purposes of which we all cherish.