97. On behalf of the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, I associate myself with the congratulations which have already been addressed here to Mr. Fanfani on his election to the office of President of the current session of the General Assembly. We are truly sorry that Mr. Fanfani is at present in hospital and is obliged to be absent from our plenary meetings, and we wish him a speedy recovery. May I express the hope that the twentieth session of the United Nations General Assembly will be a successful one, and that the President's endeavours will make a worthy contribution to its constructive results.
98. I should like also, on behalf of the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, to welcome the representatives of the Gambia, Singapore and the Maldive Islands on the occasion of the admission of those States to the United Nations. The membership of our Organization has again expanded at an extremely crucial period in its history, which is evidence that the peoples of the world continue to believe in the capacities and in the future of the United Nations.
99. The Gambia, Singapore and the Maldive Islands join the ranks of the small States represented in the United Nations. Our delegation believes that the small States in the United Nations are faced with very important tasks. Their position as equal Members of the United Nations, has an important bearing on the choice of the roads leading to the strengthening of world peace, the securing of national freedom and independence, and the settlement of the problems confronting mankind in the sphere of economic and social development. It is essential always to remember that the fulfilment of the purposes of the United Nations, the prevention of world thermonuclear war, is a task which is common to all nations. The small nations, by demonstrating an understanding of the general interests of mankind, can contribute successfully to the adoption of agreed decisions; they can successfully act together with the powerful nations in the interests of peace, general security and progress. At this time, the goodwill of all countries, regardless of their size, is particularly necessary in the struggle for the achievement of the purposes for which the United Nations was founded. The peoples will not understand us if we waste our energies and slacken our endeavours.
100. We have to admit that the authority of the United Nations is not yet as great as we would wish. One of the reasons for this is that the United Nations is not yet succeeding, owing to the opposition of certain forces, in putting an end to the dangerous policy of interference in the internal affairs of States. It is this that is undermining the authority of the United Nations, since a most important principle of international relations is not being observed. This is clear to all who have at heart the interests of the United Nations and of peace.
101. Some time ago, Mr. Gromyko, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR and Chairman of the USSR delegation, proposed [1335th meeting] the immediate consideration of the question of the "inadmissibility of intervention in the domestic affairs of States and the protection of their independence and sovereignty" [A/5977]. This is yet another proof of the peace-loving policy of the USSR. The proposal accords with the fundamental interests of all mankind, as borne out by the present discussion, and in particular by the statements made from this rostrum by the representatives of Mali and the United Arab Republic! Indeed, it is only necessary to look closely at the Soviet proposal to see how extremely topical it is. We all know that, despite the provisions of the United Nations Charter, acts of intervention, including armed intervention, continue to take place in the domestic affairs of States. The new and noble initiative of the Soviet Union seeks to put an end to such acts of intervention and to prohibit such acts in the future. Those who really have the interests of peace and security at heart realize that the adoption of the declaration would place in the hands of the peoples a powerful instrument for strengthening their sovereignty, for protecting their independence.
102. The Byelorussian SSR, which bases its policies on the Leninist principles of friendship and cooperation among peoples, of peace and peaceful coexistence between States having different social, and economic systems, attaches particular importance to the question of prohibiting foreign intervention. It is no secret to anyone that it is precisely in connexion with interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign States that the danger to peace has arisen and continues to arise. This is borne out by the facts of the blatant intervention by aggressive forces in the affairs of courageous Cuba, their excesses in the Congo and their violation of the rights of the Dominican Republic. A flagrant example of gross armed intervention, fraught with serious consequences for the whole world, is the United States aggression in Viet-Nam.
103. The Byelorussian people decisively condemn that aggression and declare' their solidarity with the heroic people of Viet-Nam, who are defending their sovereign rights, are struggling to achieve autonomy and independence, and refuse to accept foreign invasion. We strongly protest against the felonious acts of the aggressors. The intervention of United States armed forces in South Viet-Nam, and the barbarous bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam are acts fundamentally contrary to the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. Is it not clear that those who seek to justify the violence committed in Viet-Nam are conniving with the aggressors? Yet we have heard attempts of this kind made in the speeches by the representatives of Thailand, the Philippines, New Zealand and some others. To our satisfaction, these voices are drowned out by the numerous voices of those who condemn aggression.
104. The United States delegation, addressing the current session of the General Assembly [1334th meeting], has attempted to whitewash United States policy in South-East Asia and, in particular, in Viet-Nam. It would have us believe that Washington is acting in response to a challenge, in the interests of the small nations. But this is contrary to the facts. What the small nations need is to be guaranteed against intervention in their affairs, regardless of whose selfish interests such intervention is intended to serve. We have heard it stated from this rostrum that the United States is willing to "enter into unconditional discussions" with a view to ending the conflict. But those words, too, sound hollow, since they, too, are belied by the facts, by the actions of the United States.
105. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR resolutely demands a halt to the bloodshed, to the aggressive war in Viet-Nam. What is required of the United States is that it cease its armed intervention and recognize the right of the Viet-Namese people to choose for themselves their course of development. The Byelorussian delegation fully supports the proposals for the settlement of the situation which have been put forward by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of Viet-Nam, representing the people of South Viet-Nam, who repudiate the corrupt puppet clique in Saigon.
106. It has been my fortune to take part in the San Francisco Conference and in all the sessions of the General Assembly, and to witness all the successes and failures in the work of the United Nations. Today, looking back over the past twenty .years, I find myself likening our Organization to a ship which has sailed the waves of history and has become a familiar and important part of the world scene. This ship has weathered many storms. Attempts have been made to change its course, to sink it or to drive it aground. You all know how great the danger has been at times. The courageous efforts of those who have prevented the situation from becoming irretrievable are still fresh in our memory. And if today we continue our voyage, still full of hope and energy, it is only because the majority of States have remained faithful to the commitments which they voluntarily assumed on the eve of the voyage. I refer to the United Nations Charter.
107. The representatives of Peru, Brazil and Ireland have said, in one form or another, that the United Nations Charter is out of date and needs certain changes. But experience refutes this point of .view. In the twenty years of its existence, the Charter ha; justified itself and continues to reflect the needs of modern international life. Many important decisions have been taken on the basis of the Charter: of these, I would refer now to the unanimous appeal addressed by the Security Council to the Governments of India and Pakistan [resolution 211 of 1965] to cease hostilities — an appeal which, to our great satisfaction, has met with a favourable response.
108. It is clear that it is not the United Nations Charter which is responsible for the existence of vexing unsolved problems. On the contrary, the fact that a number of unsolved problems still exist today in international relations indicates that some nations are not carrying out the provisions of the Charter. So far as the Byelorussian SSR is concerned, we do not share the desire for a revision of the United Nations Charter. Only if it is guided by the Charter can our Organization best solve the problems before it, including the taking of steps for the maintenance or restoration of peace.
109. The preservation of world peace is the first prerequisite for the progress of mankind. The question of war or peaceful coexistence has become the fundamental issue of our time. The principal task facing the peoples of the world is that of restraining the militarist forces, preventing a thermonuclear war and strengthening peaceful coexistence between States having different social systems. We believe that the efforts of all Governments must be directed towards preventing a new war and the banishing of war from the life of mankind for ever. The true and reliable way to this goal is through general and complete disarmament. The whole world knows that in the front rank of those fighting for disarmament stands the Soviet Union, which has on many occasions put forward specific proposals aimed at solving this most important problem.
110. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSRbelieves that the question of general and complete disarmament has reached a stage where further delay in its solution increases in geometrical progression the difficulties that have to be overcome.
111. The continuing arms race, for which the imperialist forces are to blame, is completely contrary to the vital needs of mankind.
112. We must note with regret that the efforts of the peace-loving countries to break the deadlock in the disarmament negotiations are continuing to meet with opposition from States whose ruling circles hold the criminal belief that the continuation and even expansion of the arms race is advantageous, in the expectation of making immense profits and counting on one day being able to achieve military supremacy and to control the world. It is the fault of these forces that for more than three years the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva has been unable to draw up an agreed disarmament programme or even a programme of partial measures aimed at curtailing the arms race, restoring the general international situation to normal, strengthening world security and creating the best conditions for achieving the desired goal, namely, general and complete disarmament under strict international control.
113. At the appropriate time, the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR will try to give a more detailed appraisal of the work of the United Nations Disarmament Commission and the Eighteen-Nation Committee. At this time I should like to confine myself to stating two practical conclusions which we have drawn from an analysis of the efforts that have been made this year through the United Nations in the sphere of disarmament.
114. The first conclusion is that the overwhelming majority of countries in the world are unquestionably anxious to achieve general and complete disarmament, and to achieve it as quickly as possible. These countries are prepared to co-operate in order to make practical progress, bearing in mind that any concrete result is worth more than a thousand high-flown generalizations about the benefits of disarmament.
115. The second conclusion is that international relations today, which are characterized by acts of aggression on the part of the imperialist forces, suppression of national liberation movements, and interference in the internal affairs of other States, adversely affect the search for practical ways of solving the disarmament problem once for all.
116. The Byelorussian SSR, as in the past, is firmly resolved actively to co-operate with all Countries in settling international problems. That is why our Government is ready to make a positive contribution to the work of a world disarmament conference in which all countries of the world would take part, and considers it advisable for such a conference to be held in the summer of 1966. The Byelorussian delegation believes that the General Assembly should take the necessary decision on this question without delay. The sooner this is done, the better: we shall all have enough time to prepare for such a conference, if we only have the will to do so.
117. We cannot relax the struggle for disarmament even for a moment. To this end, it is most important that specific decisions should be taken in the sphere of so-called partial measures for disarmament. We believe that a ban on the use of nuclear weapons must be achieved, that nuclear-free zones must be established and military budgets reduced, that a nonaggression pact must be signed between the two largest military and political groups, the aggressive NATO bloc and the defensive alliance of the Warsaw Treaty States, and nuclear tests must be completely prohibited by extending the Moscow Treaty to include underground explosions.
118. Our delegation would like to emphasize the importance of the proposals concerning partial measures which have been put forward by the socialist countries and by the independent States of Africa and Asia.
119. Among such partial measures, the question of the dismantling of foreign military bases and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territories of other countries is of special importance. It is the duty of the United Nations to adopt recommendations which will give the peoples support in their struggle against the imperialistic policy of installing military bases and armed forces in foreign States. Such bases are a manifestation of the policy of intervention, and whatever the pretext under which they are established, it is time to do away with them.
120. The arms race is now proceeding on a scale and at.a pace unprecedented in the history of mankind. Year by year, month by month, the means of waging war are becoming more destructive, more devastating. The total world nuclear potential is growing by leaps and bounds. It is generally believed that existing stockpiles of nuclear weapons are already sufficient to destroy all life on our planet several times over.
121. The baleful shadow of atomic weapons is beginning to spread all over the world. Unless effective measures are taken, it will be only a very few years before nuclear weapons will be in the hands of many States which do not at present possess them. The United Nations must do everything in its power to put an end to the spread of nuclear weapons, and in this connexion an important proposal has been submitted.
122. The agenda of the General Assembly includes an item of the. utmost urgency, namely the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons [item 106], The delegation of the Soviet Union has submitted a draft treaty on this subject which is exceptionally, clear and businesslike. My delegation not only supports that draft but urgently appeals to all countries to give it sober and serious consideration, as a number of delegations have already done.
123. The USSR draft treaty, as we understand it, is aimed at eradicating the "nuclear cancer", at preventing the further spread of nuclear weapons. The draft indicates a course of action which will enable us to preserve and increase the chances of making progress in disarmament negotiations and to. arrive more quickly at the prohibition and destruction of all nuclear weapons. We see great merit in the simplicity of the Soviet proposal, in the fact that it does not impose any special additional conditions for its implementation.
124. The ideas embodied in the draft Treaty to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons submitted at Geneva by the United States delegation on the other hand, are extremely pernicious and dangerous. The main defect of this draft is that it allows for a process of nuclear weapons dissemination, and in the most dangerous form — in the form of the so-called NATO multilateral or Atlantic nuclear force.
125. This year the peoples of the entire world have solemnly observed the twentieth anniversary of the victory over Fascism. The Second World War, unleashed by the most aggressive imperialist forces, cost the world 50 million lives; the total number of casualties, including wounded, was 145 million people. Everyone is aware of the great role which the peoples of the Soviet Union played in that war and the enormous losses which they sustained on behalf of freedom and independence throughout the world.
126. The Byelorussian SSR is the only one of the countries which fought in the anti-Nazi coalition whose population has not yet been restored to its pre-war level. The reason for this is the great number of lives that were lost, exceeding 2 million, and the material devastation resulting from the aggression, amounting to more than half the national wealth of the Republic.
127. The Byelorussian people cannot forget the casualties they suffered as the result of Nazi Germany's aggression. Together with the great family of socialist States and other peace-loving countries, Byelorussia is determined to do everything it can to prevent another world war. The lessons of the past show how pernicious is the policy of appeasing aggressors, how important it is to unmask them in time, frustrate their criminal plans and establish a united front to combat aggression. It is for this reason that the Byelorussian people are watching with such great alarm the dangerous development of the situation in the heart of Europe, in the Federal Republic of Germany, where militaristic, revanchist forces are again on the rise. The activities of those forces create a threat to peace in Europe, and thus to peace throughout the world. As L. I. Brezhney, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, stated in an address to a recent plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in September, in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany "we are dealing with the main centre of reaction and militarism in Europe, with the chief ally of the aggressive imperialist circles in the United States of America".
128. The threat to peace posed by West Germany is no myth. Who, I ask, can have faith in the peaceful intentions of a State in which excuses are now being made openly for bloodthirsty Hitlerism, in which the outcome of the war of liberation which put an end to Hitlerism is not recognized?
129. The revanchist forces in the Federal Republic of Germany are again preparing for war. Even now the Federal Republic if planning for a large army. Militaristic circles in the Federal Republic are trying to establish the military base which will enable them to satisfy their voracious appetites; they are striving to obtain nuclear weapons so as to draw the other NATO countries into their reckless plans.
130. A number of Western countries are beginning to realize where the militaristic circles in Bonn are heading. The unfortunate thing is that some of their NATO partners continue to be led along by the West German blackmailers. The policy aimed at establishing a NATO multilateral nuclear force in one form or another encourages the West German revanchists and consigns the interests of peace to oblivion; in addition, it flouts the obligations assumed by the members of the anti-Hitler coalition to destroy German militarism and establish guarantees that it would never again be able to disrupt the peace.
131. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR considers that the question of European security is of great importance; all countries of the world should concern themselves with the task of finding a prompt and satisfactory solution to that problem in the light of existing realities.
132. With regard to the means of strengthening peace in Europe, restraining the forces of militarism and establishing friendly and good-neighbourly relations in Europe, we should like to stress the importance of the proposals submitted by the USSR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and the German Democratic Republic, whose peaceful policy is winning increasing respect in the international sphere, and also by certain other European countries.
133. It will soon be five years since the adoption by the General Assembly, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. During this time the national liberation movement has made further great advances, particularly in Africa. Only fragments remain of the former huge colonial empires. Whereas at the beginning of the Second World War 31 per cent of the earth's surface, with a population of some 700 million people, was under colonial rule, colonial territories now account for about 6 per cent of the earth's surface, with some 40 million inhabitants, or 1 per cent of the world's population.
134. However, the United Nations should not slacken its efforts to combat colonialism until there is not a single colony left on earth or a single people under the colonialist yoke. It should adopt resolutions at the present session which will truly help the peoples struggling heroically for their liberation to break the rusty shackles of oppression and servitude once and for all.
135. On behalf of the Byelorussian delegation, I declare that we shall continue to maintain our resolute and uncompromising stand until the peoples of Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, Southern Rhodesia, South West Africa, Oman, Aden and other territories have permanently won their freedom and independence.
136. Colonialism is still alive and represents a serious threat to the peoples of the world. It is dressed in new clothing and uses more subtle forms of enslavement and subjugation, commonly known as neocolonialism. The neo-colonialists are trying to ensure that former colonies acquire their independence in name only. For this purpose they retain key positions in the economies of these countries and impose onesided agreements, establish military bases and place their agents in government posts in order to keep these countries in their clutches.
137. The Byelorussian delegation has high regard for the work of the Committee of Twenty-Four, which has been engaged in drafting recommendations on the granting of independence; at the same time, it believes that that Committee has not yet been able to bring its work to a conclusion because of forces opposed to decolonization. The task now is to overcome the opposition of those forces and to discharge our duty to the peoples. We fully share the view expressed from this rostrum by Mr. Quaison-Sackey, the representative of Ghana, that not a single State that has liberated itself can really feel free until colonialism is definitely a thing of the past [1346th meeting]. This view was endorsed by the representatives of Uganda, Kenya, Zambia and other non-aligned countries.
138. We must continue relentlessly to expose the intrigues of the colonialists and their lackeys and rebuff them decisively. Take the case of Portugal, for example: how can we explain the fact that the Salazar clique is still able to retain its blood-stained grip on territories covering an area more than twenty times that of Portugal? There is only one explanation: the Salazar Government is receiving a great deal of help from the Western countries, and particularly from the Federal Republic of Germany. The patriots struggling to throw off the yoke of the Portuguese colonialists are in fact opposed by the collective might of the members of NATO. Those same countries are also helping the Government of the Republic of South Africa, pursuing the criminal policy of apartheid which the South African representative, to the indignation of all, has again tried to justify here.
139. The bell has tolled for colonialism, and neither brute force nor wily stratagems can help the colonialists. The movement of national liberation is invincible, and no force can stop it or turn it back. However, victory will not come alone and unaided. We must strengthen the unity of the anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist front on the basis of the struggle for peace, security, justice and progress; we must resolutely oppose all discrimination, wherever and in whatever form it may occur; we must more actively resist attempts at foreign intervention, which brings with it as in the Congo the disruption of progressive forces, chaos and serious new problems. We must draw practical lessons from the recognition of the fact that all efforts by subjugated peoples seeking freedom and independence are legal. For the attainment of our common goals we must continue to show good sense and consider the real situation obtaining at a particular stage of historical development.
140. The Byelorussian delegation continues to support, as it always has in the past, all effective measures directed against the colonialists, in favour of the sovereign right of peoples to independent political and economic development.
141. The Byelorussian delegation is concerned with important, complex problems relating to general economic and social progress. We are sincerely concerned, in particular, with the problems of countries which have lagged in their development through the fault of the colonial Powers. Their rate of economic development is far from adequate, their share of world trade is decreasing, and their access to foreign exchange is extremely limited. This situation is wholly intolerable. It is the duty of the United Nations to give more effective assistance to the newly independent countries, and in particular to compel those responsible for their backwardness to compensate them, and also to help developing countries in their struggle to prevent domination by foreign monopolies and to defend their sovereignty over their natural resources.
142. A question of particular importance is the normalization of international trade. Many fine words have been spoken on this subject, but the time has now come to support those words with deeds and with decisions which will give scope to those deeds. We should ensure that the machinery of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development functions smoothly. We are convinced that the elimination of all the discriminatory restrictions in trade practised by countries which favour closed trading systems and one-sided profits will help in the satisfactory solution of general economic problems and particularly the problems of the newly independent states. Normal trade and successful economic, scientific and technical co-operation will provide an excellent basis for developing and strengthening peaceful relations among all nations.
143. In conclusion, I should like to express my conviction that the outlook will be heartening if all countries will understand the alternative nature of the current situation, recognize the need for peaceful co-existence in order to avoid a world war, and in their mutual relations abide strictly by the proven principles of the United Nations Charter.
144. If we show goodwill, existing ideological differences and differences in levels of economic development need not be an obstacle to broad co-operation and peaceful good-neighbourly relations. The debates in the United Nations would be meaningless if behind the sharp criticism of principle there were not a desire to settle outstanding problems in the interest of all peoples, in the interests of peace, independence and progress.
145. The Byelorussian delegation considers that the General Assembly can and must work constructively. There are many encouraging signs that this is possible. What is lacking is understanding on the part of certain Western Powers that the cold war in whatever form has become wholly obsolete. An atmosphere of cooperation and mutual understanding, now supported by the overwhelming majority of Members of the United Nations, is gradually gaining the ascendancy and the idea of universality, the importance of which is especially emphasized in the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General, U Thant [A/6001/ Add.1], is winning acceptance in the United Nations.
146. It is an absurd and preposterous state of affairs when there is no delegation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, when the seat of the People's Republic in the Organization is occupied by a clique which has long ceased to represent those in whose name it attempts to speak. We also consider that the time has come, with a view to strengthening our Organization and expanding its possibilities, to admit both sovereign German States — the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany — to membership in the United Nations. The participation of the German Democratic Republic in the work of the United Nations would strengthen the forces that support peace, security and cooperation among nations.
147. Ever since its first steps in the international arena after the Second World War the Byelorussian SSR has demonstrated its unwavering loyalty to the principles of peace, justice, equality of rights and co-operation.
148. At the sessions of the United Nations General Assembly and at many international conferences the representatives of the Byelorussian SSR have constantly stated that the Byelorussian people are vitally interested in a long and stable peace and in creating conditions which would guarantee to all peoples of the world peaceful, creative work and would make another war impossible.
149. The Byelorussian SSR is making every effort to strengthen the United Nations and increase its authority. Enhancing the effectiveness of the United Nations in strengthening peace means, first and foremost, putting an end to violations of the Charter and creating within the Organization a climate conducive to the collaboration of all States on a basis of equality.
150. The Byelorussian SSR will continue in the future resolutely to defend the principles of the United Nations Charter and to combat all attempts to impose upon the Organization unilateral decisions incompatible with the purposes of universal peace, security and co-operation among nations.
151. The future of the United Nations lies in effective struggle for international peace and security, against the threat of a third world war. Its future lies in unremitting efforts in the interests of independence and of economic and social progress and in the strengthening of co-operation and friendly relations among all States.
152. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR expresses the hope that the United Nations will accomplish its great duty to mankind and make its contribution to the strengthening of peace throughout the world.