I bring to everyone here greetings from His Excellency Al Hadji Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh, President and head of State of the Republic of the Gambia. The legitimacy of multilateralism, which lies at the core of the United Nations system, is being increasingly questioned. Yes, with the launching of the former Secretary-General’s report “In larger freedom: towards development, security and human rights for all” (A/59/2005), a lot of reforms have taken place and are still taking place. However, the question is, “Is it enough?” One of the unassailable conclusions reached in that report is that “no reform of the United Nations would be complete without reform of the Security Council” (A/59/2005, para. 169). We have established a new Human Rights Council and the Peacebuilding Commission and have undertaken far-reaching management reforms, yet the reform of the Security Council is still being unnecessarily stalled for no justifiable reason. That delay constitutes a source of frustration for the citizens of this world, who are increasingly questioning the legitimacy of our decisions. The world is watching the unsatisfactory status quo with dismay. In any event, the aspirations of the African people and their Governments to adequate representation on the Council cannot be ignored because they are legitimate and justified. The suggestion that reforming the Council’s working methods alone could constitute sufficient reform is not accurate. A/63/PV.13 29 08-53122 My delegation has taken note of the High-level Panel’s report and the Secretary-General’s comment on United Nations system-wide coherence, as well as the concept paper on institutional options to strengthen United Nations work on gender equality and the empowerment of women. My delegation aligns itself with the position of the Group of 77 and China on that work in progress. Our world is also going through a period of crises, ranging from the food crisis and the energy crisis to the collapse of financial markets and the collapse of trade talks. There is no country on Earth that is not affected by those crises. Too many repetitive high-level meetings, too many false promises and unfulfilled commitments continue to characterize our efforts to address the global crises. We in the developing world have received too many prescriptions from the international community and we have fastidiously followed them. The irony, however, remains that our partners are not fulfilling their side of the bargain in the way they should. It is our hope that the upcoming Follow-up International Conference on Financing for Development to Review the Implementation of the Monterrey Consensus, to be held in Doha this November, will result in the reversal of that trend. We are asked to eliminate subsidies while our partners in the North continue to give huge subsidies to their farmers. We are opening up our markets while they continue to introduce subtle measures including tariff and non-tariff barriers to deny us effective market access. They commit to doubling overseas development assistance, but turn around and withhold the little that trickles in. When it trickles in, it becomes a media event. That is no way to end poverty. That is no way to end the food crisis. That is no way to end the energy crisis. Certainly, that is no way to address climate change, and it is no way to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Allow me to share some thoughts about the global food crisis. When the crisis struck earlier this year, no economy was spared. The food crisis was predictable because the international community over the past decade has neglected agriculture in the developing countries. In most developing countries, agricultural research and training institutions collapsed, largely because of underfunding. Research and development were outsourced to multinational corporations. Most of us in the developing world saw the collapse of our agriculture markets through competition from the heavily subsidized farmers of the developed world. World trade talks keep on failing, to the detriment of poor farmers in rural Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. Our response to the food crisis followed the usual pattern of convening conferences and meetings and adopting blueprints that merely heal the symptoms. We need more than that. How many times have we met in Rome and elsewhere just to adopt the same commitments that we have already adopted over the years? Our farmers need agricultural inputs, such as machinery and fertilizers, to enhance their production capacity. We all know what is at stake. Let us honour our commitments in order not to repeat the dramatic events that stem from food shortages. As we address the food crisis, we cannot underestimate the impact of skyrocketing energy costs on the incomes and livelihoods of our populations. Our economies are under enormous stress and our gains in economic growth and development are at risk of being completely eroded. We appreciate the efforts that a number of energy-producing countries are making to ease the impact of the crisis on net importing countries. Our delegation believes, however, that sustained efforts should continue to be made to stabilize the oil market. Beyond tackling the economic crisis that is impacting the world, we should also pay attention to the question of conflict resolution in various conflict areas. One of the cornerstones of the Gambia’s foreign policy is the pursuit of peace and security. As a peace- loving people, it is our constant desire to contribute to the search for lasting peace wherever there is conflict. It is for those reasons that the Gambia actively participates in peace missions and promotes good- neighbourliness, friendship and cooperation throughout Africa and beyond. I must register my satisfaction at the peace dividend that is being reaped today across Africa thanks to the commitment of African leaders to finding solutions to African conflicts. We are witnessing the resurgence of hope in Sierra Leone and Liberia after many years of consolidation of peace and security. It is my delegation’s fervent hope that the international community will not relent in extending to them all the financial, technical and material support they require to turn their societies around for the better. A/63/PV.13 08-53122 30 The Gambian delegation fully shares the agony of the Somali Government and people over the breakdown of law and order and the internal conflict that continues to plague that country. In that regard, I wish to salute the effort that the Government and the people of Ethiopia, the neighbouring countries and the African Union are making in trying to bring peace and security to Somalia. It is the strong desire of my delegation to see a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Darfur. As a troop-contributing country to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur, we humbly call on all the parties to iron out their differences at the negotiating table. Regarding the threat to indict President Al-Bashir of the Sudan, the Gambia wishes to register its full support for the position taken on the matter by the African Union, the League of Arab States and the Non-Aligned Movement. The people of the Middle East are tired of living in a theatre of conflict. The Palestinian conflict has lingered for too long and the condition of ordinary Palestinians continues to deteriorate even after numerous accords and promises. General Assembly resolutions, Security Council resolutions and even the recent International Court of Justice advisory opinion on the situation are not being implemented. The Quartet and the international community seem helpless. We must ask ourselves: “How do we respond to the despair and lack of action that seem to characterize the peace agenda of the United Nations in that region? When will the two-State solution be achieved?” Unless we do something to break the logjam in the ongoing negotiations, lasting peace will remain elusive. Iraq and Afghanistan continue to roil in conflict. The international community must give the Governments of those countries space to make decisions that are in the best interests of their peoples. Allow me now to address some neglected issues of international justice. My delegation has always addressed the question of Taiwan in this Assembly from the point of view of justice, fairness and equality. Taiwan is a stable and prosperous democracy that is willing and able to take part in the work that the Organization does. How can one justify the exclusion of Taiwan from actively participating in the activities of United Nations agencies? Safeguarding the welfare of the 23 million Taiwanese through their participation should be accepted under the principle of universality. For example, although it has the world’s tenth largest shipping capacity, Taiwan does not have access to the International Maritime Organization. That adversely affects the progress of its shipping industry. Furthermore, as the world’s eighth largest economy and twentieth largest foreign investor, Taiwan possesses significant economic strength and continues to share its development experiences with many developing countries through technical and humanitarian assistance. Taiwan is supporting the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals and other internationally agreed development goals. I therefore strongly believe that we should all agree to let Taiwan participate in the activities of the specialized agencies of the United Nations. That is a modest request that my delegation fervently hopes merits the Assembly’s objective consideration. The perpetuation of the unjust extraterritorial economic embargo against Cuba has never made sense, does not make sense today and has no place in our community of nations. Its sole objective is to inflict unnecessary harm and suffering on a resolute people. The General Assembly’s persistent calls for its abolition have only met with indifference. At their hour of need, when hurricanes Ike and Gustav inflicted massive damage on the country, Cuba’s humanitarian call for the lifting of the embargo to enable it to purchase necessary humanitarian supplies has met with nothing but a cold response. There is no room for such action in the twenty-first century. The embargo must end. I would like to address a number of social issues that are very high on the global agenda. In Africa, we are committed to combating the scourges of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other infectious diseases. Over the years, African Governments have committed substantial resources to fighting those diseases. Yet, our health-care delivery systems remain under serious stress because of the flight of trained professionals to more advanced countries. That is considered to be positive migration, but we are being devastated by it. I think some serious dialogue needs to begin between our countries and beneficiary States on how to get fair compensation for such huge losses. The other side of migration is what some call “illegal” migration, especially from Africa to Europe. It is a question that is tied to the problem of youth A/63/PV.13 31 08-53122 unemployment in our societies and to the broader question of development. Over the years, we have tried to address the migration conundrum at various forums, but we need to come up with solutions that empower young people through job creation, skills and vocational training programmes in order to stem the tide. Governments must manage migration humanely. The human rights and welfare of migrants and their families should be upheld by all societies. My delegation would like to appeal to all Governments to do more to stamp out the increasing rise of intolerance, xenophobia and racism directed against migrants and their families. Ours is a world of considerable opportunities and challenges. Let us collectively exploit the opportunities offered by our globalized world to tackle the challenges that face humankind. Together, we can do it.