Let me start by
expressing my respect and gratitude to the President of
the General Assembly at its previous session,
Mr. Srgjan Kerim, whose active involvement and
initiatives have contributed to a broader Assembly
agenda and facilitated its work. I wish to extend my
congratulations to his successor, Mr. Miguel d’Escoto
Brockmann. I congratulate you, Sir, on your
appointment and wish you fruitful work.
The past year has seen many new challenges and
problems with which the international community has
to deal. In our attempts to respond to these problems
and to search for the best solutions we have recognized
yet again that different crises cannot be successfully
overcome without referring to such universal values as
democracy, freedom and solidarity.
One of the biggest global challenges at present is
the food crisis and its consequences. The decision to
make that issue the central theme of this year’s General
Assembly session testifies to the special role of the
United Nations as a forum for debate focused on major
global challenges. Poland appreciates the initiative to
juxtapose the debate on the food crisis with discussions
about the need to democratize the United Nations, as it
is only a democratic and effective United Nations that
can face up to the global challenges of eliminating
hunger and poverty and ensuring the sustainable
development of the poorest nations. That is why we
remain certain that the United Nations reform process
should continue.
One of the fundamentals of the democratic
governance of the United Nations is the rule “one
State, one vote”. Each State should be given the
opportunity to decide in which direction the United
Nations will head, and the General Assembly remains
the most important forum for such democratic debate.
In this context, it is especially important to streamline
the decision-making mechanism.
We are in favour of accelerating the pace of work
on Security Council reform. The number of
non-permanent members of the Council should be
increased so as to truly reflect today’s world. Let us
remember that some of the rules in that regard were
laid down in a world that was fundamentally different
from today’s.
“Everyone has the right to a standard of living
adequate for the health and well-being of himself and
of his family, including food, clothing, housing and
medical care and necessary social services”: that
principle is enshrined in article 25 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, whose sixtieth
anniversary we celebrate this year. As an international
community, we bear responsibility for their fulfilment.
Fighting against hunger and poverty is among the
eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It has
been almost eight years since the international
community set them. Despite numerous declarations
and commitments we are still short of achieving the
Goals. It will be impossible to overcome the current
crisis or carry out our development policies unless —
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and I stress this — every country shoulders its
individual responsibility, takes concrete steps and
assesses the progress made so far. We should make
joint efforts to promote a global development
programme with the MDGs as its basis.
It was in that vein that Poland joined British
Prime Minister Gordon Brown in endorsing the call to
action on the MDGs. We hope that that statement,
which reflects a broad understanding among countries,
business representatives, non-governmental organizations
and faith groups will contribute to the full attainment of
the Millennium Development Goals. We believe that
the high-level meeting on the Millennium
Development Goals taking place on 25 September will
result in concrete commitments that will be
implemented in a timely manner: timeliness is of
special importance.
As we analyse the causes of the food crisis and
try to find effective prescriptions for combating
poverty and hunger, we take note of the immense
negative impact of climate change on these
phenomena. Although the consequences of climate
change will be felt globally, it is the poorest who will
bear the brunt and who will be hurt the most severely.
It goes without saying that, without solidarity,
responsibility and enhanced mutual cooperation,
developing countries will not be able to fulfil their
commitments regarding reductions in greenhouse gas
emissions and will fail to successfully adapt to climate
change. This calls for a certain change of philosophy in
our approach, and for much greater effort on the part of
the North in favour of the South. What I am saying
now is mere short hand: the rich should become much
more committed to helping the poor. The United
Nations is, if not the sole organization, then definitely
the principal organization that can implement these
objectives.
Poland wants to be an active partner in the
international community’s activities to that end. With
this in mind, we will be hosting in Poznan in December
this year the fourteenth session of the Conference of
the Parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change and the fourth Meeting
of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol. One of the key
challenges facing this year’s Conference is to work out
solutions and mechanisms that will support and bring
about true systemic change in developing countries. It
is especially vital to ensure the funding of investments
that will help to modernize the economies of those
countries and help them reduce carbon dioxide
emissions and adapt to climate change. I reiterate that
there is no possibility of implementing these objectives
without a major change in thinking, especially by the
countries that now have the most resources. We hope
that this year’s Poznan Conference will lay strong
foundations for reaching a new agreement in
Copenhagen in December next year.
As holder of the presidency of the fourteenth
session of the Conference of Parties, Poland will strive
to bring the positions of major countries as close as
possible so as to ensure maximum progress during the
Poznan Conference. We anticipate cooperation and
support from our international partners and friends. We
greatly appreciate the Secretary-General’s deep
commitment to the implementation of these objectives.
Introducing new, more climate-friendly
technologies should be coupled with enhanced energy
security and diversification of energy sources. As we
do not yet have mechanisms to guarantee solidarity on
the energy crisis among all States members of the
European Union — I refer to the European Union but
this is also applicable to all other States of the world —
the issue of energy security becomes our priority.
Poland is following developments in Georgia
with concern. We believe that engaging in dialogue and
acting in a spirit of solidarity and consistency in
implementing energy policy should become a priority
for all European States, especially European Union
States. It is only in that way that Europe can be assured
of energy security, especially at a time of the complete
unpredictability of actions of the current main
suppliers of energy to Europe.
Poland’s concern arises from the abuse by some
States, especially one very powerful State, of energy as
a tool to achieve political goals in relations with
neighbours and with all the other nations that benefit
from the supply of energy by that State.
Thus it is of fundamental importance to diversify
the sources of supply, to introduce transparent rules
regulating the energy trade and to extend transport
infrastructure, especially by developing alternative
routes and energy sources for the European Union,
mainly from the Caspian Sea, Central Asia and the
Middle East. This could significantly accelerate the
development of the States of those areas and enhance
their potential as part of global solidarity.
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I have referred to Georgia in the context of
energy security. But the situation in that country is far
more serious. Several weeks ago we witnessed an
illegal military aggression and the division of the
country. That was an aggression against an independent
State. Fundamental principles of international law, such
as the inviolability of borders and respect for territorial
integrity, were breached.
Without respect for those principles, the world
will be a hotbed of not one but hundreds of conflicts.
We cannot allow the relativization of international law.
We cannot accept that international law is applicable to
the weak but not binding on the strong. If we do,
international law will have no positive impact,
especially as concerns the principle of territorial
integrity. We must not allow the undermining of a
principle on the basis of which the United Nations was
established 63 years ago in the aftermath of the Second
World War as a consequence of the bankruptcy of the
League of Nations. That founding principle of the
United Nations is the principle of law and of
opposition to the unlawful use of force.
Not all members come from countries
neighbouring Georgia or from countries in or near
Europe, but the problem of Georgia is a problem for us
all, for every country that is grappling with issues
relating to territorial integrity or to stronger neighbours
abusing their advantages. The international order
should be based on strict compliance with the United
Nations Charter by all subjects of international law —
first and foremost, by all States. It should be based on
common responsibility for the fate of countries
incapable of ensuring their own security alone.
Those were the motives that guided my response
to the Georgian conflict and the actions of the
Presidents of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Ukraine.
The complete implementation of the peace plan, which
should also cover the issue of the territorial integrity of
Georgia, is a prerequisite for the further discussions
about the Caucasus to be held in Geneva in October
and a prerequisite for the future of relations between
the European Union — of which Poland is the twenty-
sixth member — and Russia. Those relations can be
correct and mutual only if both sides respect
international law in their relations both with each other
and with third parties.
One expression of Poland’s involvement in
international security is its participation in a counter-
terrorism coalition in many volatile regions of the
world. Today, more than 3,500 Polish troops and police
officers are taking part in global peacekeeping and
stabilization forces — from Africa to the Balkans,
through the Middle East and Asia.
Iraq was one such place. Through the five years
of its presence in Iraq, Poland has made efforts to help
its Iraqi friends and allies to ensure strengthened
external and internal security. Its mission, the main
stage of which comes to an end this year, has clearly
been a success. Iraq today is definitely safer and more
stable than a few years ago, despite the doubts
expressed in some circles.
What remains a challenge, however, is the
situation in Afghanistan. We deeply believe that the
mission in Afghanistan, in which Poland is also taking
an active part, is bound to end in success, not only a
military success in the fight against terrorism but also
the success of the Afghan nation in improving its day-
to-day existence. Military action must also be
accompanied by measures to stabilize the Afghan
economy, improve the internal security situation and
enable Afghanistan to grow more quickly. I should like
to believe that this mission will end successfully.
The continuing lack of stability in the Middle
East is a source of concern for almost — the “almost”
is regrettable — every country in the world, including
Poland. The lengthy process of building an
independent Palestinian State should be completed as
soon as possible, for the sake of Palestinians and
Israelis alike, both nations being Poland’s friends. We
wish the Palestinian people every success in their
struggle for an independent State. To Israel, with which
we have important historic ties, because many of its
citizens come from Poland, we wish successes and
peace, a peace much needed by Israel.
I note with pleasure that our hopes are being
raised by the situation in Lebanon. Poland believes that
the elections and the new President will bring the
stability and peace for which the Lebanese people have
been waiting for 35 years — and even before that the
situation was often difficult. We wish the new
Lebanese authorities and the nation of Lebanon every
success. We will be involved in this part of the world in
a spirit of international solidarity and because of our
historic ties with the region.
The issues I have mentioned cannot be resolved
by a single State or a single group of States. Today we
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see clearly that we need joint action by all countries:
rich and poor, from both the east and the west.
However, in today’s world, where the division into east
and west is no longer as important as it was in the past,
what we need above all is solidarity between north and
south; we must give help to those in need.
We need to promote democracy, of course
adapting it to the cultural conditions and traditions of a
given State, because, regardless of its flaws, there has
never in our history been a system more friendly to
mankind. We should act jointly and in a spirit of
solidarity through effectively operating international
structures such as the United Nations and its agencies,
which have global reach and an unchallenged position.
The Secretary-General rightly says that there should be
deeper coordination between the work of the agencies,
irrespective of the great successes which the bodies
affiliated to the United Nations have scored over recent
decades.
What is most important, however, is to ensure
universal respect for international law, human rights
and fundamental freedoms.
I hope that when we meet next year during the
sixty-fourth session the world will be slightly safer and
a little closer to the principles that I have had the
honour to refer to in this address.