49. I should like to take this opportunity, Mr. President, to offer you my delegation's felicitations on your election to the Presidency of the twentieth session of the General Assembly and to wish you every success in your work, charged as you are with so heavy a responsibility of diligence, devotion and fairness.
50. The year 1965 has been quite rich in jubilee dates marking important events which are closely associated with the United Nations and its work. We are assembled here for what we may, with justice, call the jubilee session of the General Assembly of the United Nations — that Organization which was conceived and established as an instrument of international co-operation for the maintenance of the peace and security of nations and for the promotion of their economic and social progress. And I believe that the General Assembly resolution, adopted three years ago, to designate 1965 as International Cooperation Year had for its object to attach special significance to this important date in the life of the United Nations.
51. This year, the people of the world have commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the victory over German fascism, and Japanese militarism — a victory that ended the bloodiest war in the history of humanity.
52. The twenty years intervening between that event and the present time have witnessed a continued growth of the forces fighting for peace, freedom, national independence and social progress. The might of the Socialist Commonwealth — the stronghold of the peoples' fight for international peace and security — is growing day by day. The countries of the so-called Third World are proclaiming themselves more strongly in favour of friendship among nations and in support of international co-operation. The peace movement is expanding throughout the world, reflecting the increasingly active part played by the masses in international affairs and more particularly in the struggle for the prevention of a new war.
53. On the other hand, mankind cannot help recalling with a heavy heart the fact that, twenty years ago, atomic weaponry was for the first time unleashed by the United States against the innocent and defenceless people of Japan, an act of wanton destruction devoid of any military necessity whatsoever. Mankind cannot but reflect, too, that the victims of this grave crime against humanity are still growing in number to the present day.
54. As we recall these events, it behoves us, I believe, to give serious thought to the situation which has obtained in international life in recent days.
55. The peace-loving forces have had to observe the twentieth anniversary of the victory over fascism and reaction in circumstances which bore great resemblance to the even of World War II, in the sense that foes of peace, freedom and independence of nations are yet actively at work, and in the sense that the aggressive, revengeful lust of the instigators of the past war is being disregarded and even, in some quarters, encouraged.
56. Increasing concern and anxiety are aroused by the further expansion of the United States aggression in Indo-China, particularly in Viet-Nam, which represents a serious danger to world peace. In flagrant violation of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 on Indo-China, the Government of the United States is taking one reckless step after another in the escalation of the colonial war in South Viet-Nam and in the extension of its armed aggression against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, at the same time dragging into this perilous venture more and more of its military allies.
57. The other day, the United States representative reiterated from this rostrum the hypocritical, statement of his Government that allegedly it was in favour of the peaceful settlement of the Viet-Namese issue. He was also trying to explain the hackneyed lie that not the United States but the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam was the aggressor. Such a mean and mendacious manoeuvre cannot, however, mislead anyone. The United States is sending to South Viet-Nam still more troops specially trained to wage guerrilla warfare so as to suppress ruthlessly the peaceful population; moreover, it is turning that country into a testing ground of barbaric means of warfare, including poisonous chemicals.
58. The real goal of the United States ruling circles is to perpetuate the division of Viet-Nam and, in effect, to turn its southern part into a United States colony and a military bridge-head for aggressive actions against peace-loving States of Asia. This true intention has been reiterated time and again by the more frank spokesmen of the Pentagon and the United States State Department.
59. The Mongolian people have joined their voice to that of the world public in demanding the unconditional implementation of the 19 54 Geneva Agreements. The United States should accept the constructive proposals by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Front for the Liberation of South Viet-Nam. It should cease immediately the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, put an end to the barbaric war in South Viet-Nam, and withdraw its troops and arms therefrom, as well as the armed forces of the other accomplices in this aggression.
60. The Viet-Namese people have a right to decide their internal affairs without outside interference, and no one has a right to obstruct them in freely determining their own destiny. The Government and people of the Mongolian People's Republic stand firmly on the side of the Viet-Namese people in their heroic struggle for their just cause against imperialist aggression.
61. The United States Government, having expanded its dangerous action against peace and the security of nations, has committed armed interference in the internal affairs of the sovereign State of the Dominican Republic, and continues the occupation of Santo Domingo under one pretext or another. This open intervention has persisted, in opposition to the just demand of the Dominican people for the restoration and maintenance of constitutional order in their country. The United States should withdraw its troops so that the Dominican people may decide their own affairs according to their own will.
62. Some time ago, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution asserting the right of the United States Government to take unilateral action of interference in any country of the Western Hemisphere, should so-called "subversive activities" be discovered there. The experience of the Dominican Republic and of some other countries clearly shows that Washington means by "subversive activities".
63. This unwarranted action, which blatantly violates international law and usages, has naturally provoked widespread indignation throughout the countries of Latin America. In its special declaration, the Chilean Senate stated that this resolution represented a danger to the sovereignty and independence of the countries of the Western Hemisphere and flagrantly violated the provisions of the United Nations Charter.
64. At the same time, certain United States foreign policy commentators declared that this resolution of the United States Congress offered nothing new except that it sought to legitimate actions which had been already undertaken by the United States Government. Such frankness is better, anyway, than poorly veiled hypocrisy.
65. The Mongolian delegation would like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the serious situation created in the Far East as a consequence of the occupation of South Korea by American troops. To our great regret, under the disguise of the United Nations flag, the United States Government has converted the southern part of the Korean peninsula into a spring-board for its aggression against socialist countries and other peace-loving States of Asia. The United States has already made the Seoul régime its eager accomplice in the war against the people of South Viet-Nam.
66. The situation in Korea has been further aggravated by the so-called "Treaty on the Normalization of Relations" between South Korea and Japan concluded on 22 June this year. This Agreement is aimed to open for Japanese monopolists an access to the key positions of the South Korean economy, to perpetuate the shaky anti-nationalist Seoul régime, and to expedite the creation of the new aggressive bloc — NEATO — under the aegis of the United States. This also constitutes a new serious obstacle to the reunification of Korea. The United States policy of involving the militarists circles of Japan in its aggressive actions against the peace-loving peoples of Asia perilously pollutes the international atmosphere in the Far East and South-East Asia.
67. The Mongolian people and their Government have always considered that the Korean question is an internal matter of the Korean people and that it should be solved by the Korean people themselves. We unanimously support the just struggle of the Korean people for an immediate withdrawal of the American troops from South Korea and the reunification of the country on a peaceful basis.
68. The dangerous revenge-seeking policy cultivated in the Federal Republic of Germany constitutes an ever-growing threat to the peace and security of nations. The West German revenge-seekers demand the revision of the frontiers established after the Second World War, put forward territorial claims to the neighbouring countries, and do every thing possible to acquire nuclear weapons. The are constantly developing plans to absorb the German Democratic Republic. That policy jeopardizes peace and security in Europe and the whole world.
69. The policy of the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic on that question is clear; it has been repeatedly stated from this rostrum. The Western Powers must give up the policy of encouraging the revenge-seeking claims of the West German militarists, as well as the plans to furnish the Federal Republic of Germany with nuclear weapons. The necessary conditions should be created for the peaceful settlement of the German question, which has an important bearing on the maintenance of European security. The German problem should be solved by peaceful means, on the basis of the recognition of the two sovereign States existing on German soil. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic fully supports the policy of the Government of the German Democratic Republic, aimed at the rapprochement of the two German States and the peaceful reunification of Germany.
70. The Government of the German Democratic Republic has proposed that the two German States undertake not to manufacture, acquire or use nuclear weapons and not to allow other States to station such weapons on their territories. Furthermore it has proposed that the armed forces in both Germanies be reduced. We consider those proposals to be imbued with a sincere desire to promote the reunification of Germany, to ensure European security and to consolidate world peace.
71. The Mongolian People's Republic also welcomes the well-known initiatives and proposals of other socialist countries whose objectives serve those noble ends.
72. The facts I have mentioned clearly show that the interference of imperialist Powers in the internal affairs of States constitutes one of the basic sources of the tense international situation and a threat to universal peace. Foreign interference in the affairs of other nations infringes the very substance of normal international relations and the sovereignty of States and negates the policy of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. If the United Nations is to be a genuine instrument of peace and international co-operation, it should strongly condemn such actions and undertake effective measures to bring them to an end.
73. In this connexion, my delegation regards as vitally important the proposal of the Soviet Union that the present session of the Assembly should adopt a declaration on the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of States and the safeguarding of their independence and sovereignty [A/5977]. My delegation hopes that that proposal will find general and unwavering support in the deliberations of the present session.
74. In the present circumstances, the adoption of such a declaration clearly setting forth that principle would be an excellent supplement to the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The adoption of a declaration on noninterference in the internal affairs of States and the safeguarding of their independence and sovereignty would in itself. In the opinion of my delegation, he an important step by the United Nations in support of the struggle of the newly independent States against neo-colonialist encroachments by Imperialist Powers.
75. The policy of my Government on the question of colonialism and neo-colonialism is a policy of unqualified support for the struggle of colonial and dependent peoples for their freedom and Independence. It is a policy of resolute exposure of the manoeuvres of imperialist Powers which are at work to prevent the progressive development of the world today.
76. As a result of the unprecedented development of national liberation movements during the past two decades, the colonialist system has suffered a deadly blow. The intensity of the anti-colonial struggle of oppressed people is growing apace. Nevertheless, colonialism still rears its ugly head. Today, more than sixty large and small territories, scattered over wide areas of the world, remain under colonial domination. In defiance of the explicit provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and of relevant resolutions of the United Nations, colonial Powers and their protectors continuously commit crimes against colonial and dependent peoples by suppressing their national liberation movements. Bloodshed continues in Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, South West Africa and Southern Arabia, and in other colonial and dependent territories.
77. We cannot but share the alarm voiced here by a number of African representatives concerning the dangerous developments in the South African Republic, which has become the main stronghold of the colonial policies of the imperialist Powers on African soil. The situation in Southern Rhodesia differs but little from that in the South African Republic. The unscrupulous policy of racial discrimination and apartheid carried out by those régimes in relation to the indigenous population arouses the strong indignation of world opinion.
78. In those circumstances, my delegation believes that the United Nations should take decisive and effective steps towards the speedy and full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence of Colonial Countries and Peoples. In the view of the Mongolian delegation, such measures might include the setting up of time-limits for the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and the invoking of sanctions on the lines of the provisions of Articles 41 and 42 of the United Nations Charter against the colonial Powers which stubbornly resist the liberation of peoples.
79. In the fight against neo-colonialism, there is another consideration which has as great urgency as that of the liberation of peoples under colonial oppression. I refer to the device of the economic domination of newly independent countries.
80. In keeping with the penetration into the economies of developing countries, the imperialists create, in their international, economic and trade relations, terms unfavourable to the best interests of those countries. Western Powers do everything possible to maintain the young independent States as their agrarian appendages to supply raw material for the capitalist economic system.
81. In order to ensure their further economic progress, it is indispensable for the young States, relying on increasing industrialization, to liquidate the social and economic consequences of colonialism and build a firm basis for their national economies. From the experience of my own country, we know well that the existence of the world socialist system opens up wide perspectives for such a procedure and for such development. At the same time, however, my delegation realizes fully the importance which the newly independent countries ascribe to United Nations activities for the promotion of the economic and social progress of nations.
82. It should be noted, in this connexion, that the convening of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the establishment of the United Nations Trade and Development Board constituted the first important step in the implementation of the functions set forth in Chapter IX of the United Nations Charter.
83. In the opinion of the Mongolian delegation, the United Nations should take effective measures for the implementation of the important recommendations adopted by the Conference and the Trade and Development Board which are aimed at the normalization of economic and trade relations between both developed and developing countries and between West and East.
84. World economic relations should be based on the principles of equality and mutual benefit for all parties concerned, without any discrimination and restrictions. Our delegation believes that the realization of the basic provisions of the joint statement by seventy-seven developing countries would considerably promote the attainment of the foregoing objectives.
85. The question of general and complete disarmament remains one of the basic problems of today. The realization of disarmament under strict international control would constitute the most important condition for ensuring international peace and security. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic, as in the past, advocates a speedy and positive solution of this urgent problem. We have to state once again, with great regret, however, that there has been no tangible progress in this domain. The reason for this is the negative attitude taken by the major Western Governments. On the other hand, the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic pays due tribute to the efforts of the socialist and other peace-loving countries which are dedicated to bringing about an agreement on universal and complete disarmament.
86. The United Nations Disarmament Commission was convened In May and June of this year through the efforts of the Soviet Union, backed by other socialist States and non-aligned countries. The deliberations of the Commission, attended by all 114 Member States, have clearly shown the vital interest of the prevailing majority of these States in achieving an agreement on disarmament under strict international control, The Commission has spoken out In support of convening a world conference on disarmament, and we consider this to be an Important achievement of the Commission's work.
87. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic sincerely welcomed the idea of convening a world conference on disarmament attended by all nations of the world when it was voiced by the Second Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. My Government is of the opinion that such a conference could play an important part in uniting the efforts of the countries genuinely interested in the realization of disarmament to search for means of breaking the deadlock in this urgent problem.
88. In the view of my delegation, a world conference on disarmament, because of the special urgency of disarmament, should be convened as soon as possible, with the participation of all States concerned. My delegation requests the General Assembly to approve the recommendation of the United Nations Disarmament Commission to convene this important conference.
89. It is the view of my delegation that the question of the total banning of nuclear tests, the prevention of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons and the prohibition and liquidation of these weapons of mass destruction should be at the head of the whole list of problems leading to the realization of general and complete disarmament.
90. With this in mind, the Mongolian People's Republic attaches great importance to the convening of a conference for the signing of a convention on banning the use of nuclear weapons. My Government is also in favour of banning underground nuclear tests with immediate effect, under the same provisions as set forth in the Moscow Treaty.
91. The Mongolian delegation fully shares the Secretary-General's view expressed in the introduction to his annual report, that:
"The prevention of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons is the most urgent question of the present time and should remain at the very top of the disarmament agenda". [A/600l/Add.1, section II.]
92. It is our hope that the draft treaty on the non-dissemination of nuclear weapons, submitted to the present session by the Soviet delegation [see A/5976], will get the full support of this Assembly. This draft treaty is fundamentally different from that presented by the United States to the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee. Though these draft treaties bear the same title, their substances are diametrically opposed to each other. The Soviet draft envisages measures for the real prevention of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons whereas the American draft leaves loopholes for new nations to join the nuclear club, especially for the Federal Republic of Germany, which anxiously desires to obtain nuclear weapons.
93. My delegation wishes to invite the attention of the General Assembly to the question of the elimination of military bases on foreign territories. The Mongolian People's Republic fully shares the views expressed by the Conference of Independent African States and the Second Conference of Non-Aligned Nations on the elimination of foreign military bases and troops on a country's soil.
94. Foreign military bases constitute a direct threat to the independence and sovereignty of the States on whose territories they are stationed and are used as an instrument for suppressing national liberation movements and protecting the remnants of colonial domination. The events in Viet-Nam, the Dominican Republic, in the Congo and in many other parts of the world bear witness to this.
95. Hundreds of military bases of imperialist Powers are located in the territories of many countries on all continents. The keeping of these bases against the will of the peoples is an encroachment upon the sovereignty of the States on whose territories they are stationed and is a violation of the principles of peaceful coexistence and of the provisions of the United Nations Charter. Foreign military bases and colonialism supplement each other. They are equally responsible for increasing international tension. Therefore the liquidation of military bases would greatly promote an easing of international tension and strengthening of the confidence among States and
would also constitute an important step towards the achievement of an agreement on general and complete disarmament.
96. The Mongolian delegation considers, as before, that the question of the liquidation of military bases on foreign soil deserves special discussion by the General Assembly.
97. The Mongolian People's Republic has spoken out in favour of the strengthening of the United Nations and the increasing of its effectiveness as an instrument of peace and international co-operation. In order to be such an instrument in effect, the United Nations should be, first of all, a genuinely universal organization devoid of any discrimination against States fully qualified for membership in it. However, the Organization has tolerated for many years flagrant discrimination against the People's Republic of China, which is the only legitimate representative of the 700 million Chinese people. My delegation demands that an end be put to this egregious example of abnormality.
98. The lawful rights of the People's Republic of China — one of the founding Members of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council — should be restored and the Chiang Kai-shek representatives expelled from all organs of the United Nations. The sooner that is done the better for the prestige of the United Nations and the effectiveness of its work.
99. The United Nations record has, in addition, still more blemishes. On every occasion when the United Nations countenanced those forces which wished to use it in their selfish interests, it acted in violation of its Charter and discredited itself in the eyes of the world public. It is obvious to everyone that the United Nations of today is not the one we had in 1950 or before. During the past ten years, a great number of socialist and newly independent countries have joined it. This has brought basic changes in its composition, together with a new spirit and new ideas in its activities. An item was put on the agenda to bring the composition of the principal organs of the United Nations into conformity with the new phenomenon which reflects the fundamental developments which have occurred during the past few years in the correlation of forces in international life as a whole.
100. The ratification by an overwhelming majority of Member States of the amendments to the Charter providing for the expansion of the composition of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council is an important step towards the solution of this very significant problem. These amendments, in our opinion, provide new opportunities for a wider representation of Afro-Asian States in the principal organs of the United Nations on the basis of equitable geographical distribution of seats. We consider that such a principle of equitable distribution of seats should be followed in relation to the United Nations Secretariat as well.
101. Quite a number of speakers have pointed out the need for further amendments to the United Nations Charter. In principle, we do not oppose amendments to the Charter If necessity so requires. However, my delegation, like many other delegations, maintains that the greatest factor in strengthening the United Nations and increasing its effectiveness is the ensuring of the strict observance of the principles of the Charter by all Member States and the making of full use of the possibilities lying therein. On the other hand, some representatives have laid stress on the necessity of establishing and training armed forces in nearly every Member country of the United Nations with a view to placing these forces at the disposal of the Secretary- General as occasion arises.
102. Under the Charter, questions pertaining to the use of United Nations armed forces for the purpose of preserving world peace fall within the terms of reference of the Security Council only. This is, in the opinion of my delegation, the most reasonable approach to the matter. The Mongolian delegation submits that to amend the Charter so that these important questions could be dealt with by the General Assembly or some other organ rather than the Security Council would not be appropriate.
103. The Government of the Mongolian People's Republic in its reply [A/6026/annex II] to the letter of the Secretary-General dated 23 June 1965 stated that the functions and powers of the Security Council and the General Assembly could be complementary only in the form of successful exercise of the functions and tasks clearly set forth for each of them in the United Nations Charter. This, however, does not imply the duplicating of each other's functions, particularly in the question of the maintenance of international peace and security.
104. My delegation wishes to submit that the observance of the Charter — in other words, the increasing of the effectiveness of the United Nations — would depend to a great extent on concerted and positive actions by the newly independent States of Asia and Africa which make up a significant majority in this Organization. Thanks to the reason and sober judgement displayed by the representatives of those countries and other States which are really interested in the maintenance and strengthening of the United Nations, a rebuff has been given to those who resorted to new distortions of the provisions of the Charter in an, attempt to shift to others the responsibility for their own actions in grave violation of the principles of this Organization's activities. In view of this and some other facts, I believe I am justified in saying that if the United Nations will respond to the spirit of the great changes of the present-day world, it will be able to increase the effectiveness of its activities dedicated to the maintenance of world peace, the development of fruitful co-operation among nations and the realization of the policy of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems.
105. The Mongolian delegation welcomes with a great feeling of satisfaction the cessation of the armed conflict between India and Pakistan, which has been a matter of anguish and concern to their sincere friends and to all who cherish peace on the subcontinent and in Asia as a whole. We believe that the most important thing now is to promote that cease-fire, however difficult it might be, so as to pave the way to the final stabilization of the situation in that area.
106. We express the hope that the leaders of India and Pakistan will display statesmanship and exercise the highest degree of restraint in order to create the conditions necessary for the solution of the Kashmir problem through negotiations, in the best interests of the well-being and progress of both the brotherly peoples and of strengthening the peace in Asia and the world over. From speedy and peaceful settlement of this problem, only benefit will accrue to the peoples of India and Pakistan, and those forces that always seek profits for themselves out of the discords and conflicts between these two great nations, will, on the contrary, suffer losses.
107. Turning to another recent event, I should like to congratulate our colleagues from the Arab countries on the encouraging outcome of the Arab Summit Conference at Casablanca. The charter of Arab solidarity as well as the Declaration of the Conference adopted at Casablanca, open up new perspectives for the strengthening of cohesion and solidarity of the Arab world In their fight against colonial vestiges and imperialist provocations. My delegation would like to express the hope that the same spirit of unity and solidarity will prevail at the forthcoming Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the ensuing Second Afro-Asian Conference of Heads of State and Government.
108. It is no secret that certain difficulties on the way to these important conferences have been created by the forces which do not favour the continued strengthening of friendship and understanding among the nations of these two great continents in their struggle for national independence, social progress, universal peace and security, My delegation is confident that the peoples Of Asia and Africa will exercise their will and power to surmount these difficulties so as to make the summit meetings real forums for strengthening the unity and solidarity of all who are striving for peace, national independence and progress, and for the triumph of the policy of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems.
109. The Mongolian People's Republic will, as before, spare no effort to promote the attainment of these vital and noble ends.