32. Mr. President, I should like, at the outset, to associate my delegation with those others which have congratulated you on your election as President of the twentieth session of the General Assembly.
33. The dramatic appearance of His Holiness Pope Paul VI before this Assembly yesterday and his eloquent address to us should be a source of inspiration to all people of goodwill who are striving for world peace in order to ensure a better life for all humanity. In particular, his appeal for the reduction of armaments and the use of funds so gained for economic development deserves the fullest support from us all.
34. Our meeting today in this Hall evokes in my delegation a feeling of immense relief, by reason of two recent developments. Firstly, it appears that the frustrations and deep anxieties which haunted the meetings of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly have been overcome, at least for the present. Secondly, the recent conflict in the Asian sub-continent, involving two neighbouring States Members of this Organization, has been brought to a halt through the decisive and timely action of the Security Council. It is my Government’s ardent hope that the cease-fire effected between India and Pakistan by the Council's efforts will eventually lead not only to conditions of permanent peace, but also to mutually beneficial co-operation between these two neighbouring countries, whose past contributions to the strengthening of international peace and security have been noteworthy and which are destined to exert considerable influence upon future world developments.
35. As in past sessions of the General Assembly, it is once again my privilege to welcome new Members to our family of nations; and, in that connexion, I should like to express the satisfaction of the Ethiopian nation on the admission of the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore to this ever-expanding community of nations. My delegation welcomes those States to our midst, confident that they bring with them further vitality and fresh approaches towards the fulfilment of the lofty ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.
36. However, while we rejoice at the admission of new States to membership of the United Nations — a process which in itself advances the principle of the universality of our Organization — my delegation must nevertheless record anew its regret at the exclusion of the People's Republic of China from membership of the United Nations. It is, I believe, increasingly apparent that the absence from the world forum of the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China has brought to an impasse not only the work of the Organization — in particular, the efforts of the Disarmament Committee in Geneva — but also the solution of practically every important international question today. It is obvious that a Government which represents 700 million people must participate in all the activities of this Organization and its agencies, if these efforts are to be meaningful and effective. The logic is fairly simple: either we recognize realities or we pay the terrible price of postponing the solution of the urgent problems which beset the world community today. The Ethiopian delegation is convinced that this Assembly must invite the Government of the People's Republic of China to assume its rightful place in our council of nations.
37. My Government remains gravely concerned over the events in South-East Asia. As we have already made clear in statements of our views on previous occasions, we believe that the people of Viet-Nam, both North and South, should be left alone to determine whatever social structure, form of government or philosophy of State they deem fit for their nation. My delegation feels duty-bound to voice its utmost concern with regard to the conflict in Viet-Nam — and not only because of the serious threat to international peace and stability posed by any further escalation of the war, or indeed by its continuation. That eventually is in itself, of course, deserving of our anxious attention. But even more dismaying is the untold suffering of the Viet-Namese people and the devastation of their land which has been going on for a period of nearly two decades. As a founding Member of this Organization, whose prime purpose is "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", my country cannot remain silent while defenceless civilians, innocent children, women and aged are being killed daily by the combatants in the conflict.
38. In our view, it is necessary that the Geneva Agreements of 1954 should be respected in their totality. In order to achieve that, we believe it is necessary that there should be a complete and immediate cease-fire and that the parties concerned should go to the conference table without any preconditions except the ones to which I have already referred. That approach will, we believe, bring a positive result that would be in accordance with the dignity of man and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We believe that there is no other way out of the dilemma. To continue the war in one form or another would bring about only the complete collapse of relations among States in the world, and thereby bring us to the disaster we have been able to avert for the past twenty years. Consequently, the Ethiopian delegation would appeal to all the parties concerned to agree to the procedure I have mentioned and bring to an end the war in South-East Asia.
39. In proceeding to the matter popularly labelled the "crisis of the United Nations", I need only recall that the eventual adoption of the Afro-Asian proposal by the resumed nineteenth session of the General Assembly has enabled the present session to function normally. Yet we cannot lose sight of the basic fact that the Organization's financial solvency has not yet been restored.
40. The adoption of the proposal that the financial difficulties of the Organization be resolved by voluntary contributions and that Article 19 of the Charter not be invoked with respect to the financial crisis of the Organization arising out of its peace-keeping operations, is but a temporary solution. We feel that with this step achieved, all Members should now make their voluntary contributions as soon as possible in order to enable the Organization to pay its debts and plan the future rationally, in a spirit of harmony, co-operation and understanding.
41. As regards the future, it is the view of the Ethiopian delegation that the so-called guidelines for future peace-keeping operations need further study and further refinement, and that the Committee of Thirty-three should be retained in order to make possible further discussion and analysis and thereby evolve some sort of general principles on those problems that have caused the deadlock in the past. In so saying, we do not, of course, mean that the procedure of peaceful settlement or enforcement action has to be abandoned, but rather that past experience should assist us in reaching some understanding with a view to formulating guidelines to similar situations that may arise in the future.
42. May I now make some brief remarks on the work of the Committee of Twenty-four. That Committee has held meetings almost continuously since March 1964. All in all, it has held over 100 meetings, and in some instances has considered the same territory two or three times. Since the activities of the Committee are widely known to the entire membership of the United Nations, it is perhaps sufficient to single out the significance of the Committee’s meetings in the continent of Africa — meetings which permitted more light to be shed on the plight of peoples still under alien domination. It is the ardent hope of my delegation that the General Assembly will give due consideration to the Committee’s report [A/6000/Rev.1] and take appropriate action on the recommendations contained therein. In particular, the Ethiopian delegation would urge, as its representatives have already done in the Committee, that a comprehensive programme of technical assistance be extended to the territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland, on the basis of the recommendations contained in the Secretary-General's report [A/5958].
43. I need hardly bring to the attention of the General Assembly the fact that the question of South West Africa is before the International Court of Justice, and, such being the case, I am not at liberty to elaborate on the subject. Yet I should be remiss if I did not urge on the Assembly the view that, pending the decision of the Court, the Government of the Republic of South Africa must be restrained from introducing changes that would be detrimental to the paramount interests of the people of South West Africa.
44. The case of Southern Rhodesia is another problem of oppression which cries out to the world's conscience for immediate solution. The dogged persistence of the settler régime in that unhappy land in denying the indigenous people of the territory their inalienable right to liberty and independence is a matter of grave concern to my Government as, indeed, to the entire family of African nations. In this regard, I must solemnly draw the attention of the General Assembly to the fact that any attempt by the settler régime in Southern Rhodesia to declare unilateral independence will be fraught with far-reaching consequences affecting the peace and security of the African continent. Representatives of my Government have, on numerous occasions, urged in the Committee of Twenty-four that the only rational approach, the only effective solution to the question of Southern Rhodesia lies in the convening of a constitutional conference to prepare a constitution which would ensure the implementation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter and the historic resolution 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly, and thereby guarantee the full participation of the African majority in shaping the destiny of their country. I should like to emphasize to this Assembly that unless action is forthcoming it may be too late to remedy the situation. I repeat, all positive steps must be taken at once to meet the legitimate demands of the Africans in Southern Rhodesia. The latest information about Southern Rhodesia would seem to indicate that an arrangement is being worked out between the Government of the United Kingdom and the settler régime in Southern Rhodesia whereby the minority Government would be allowed to declare its independence. It is the position of my Government that nothing short of the transfer of the attributes of government to the African majority can constitute true independence for Southern Rhodesia.
45. Similarly, the Republic of South Africa and the Government of Portugal cannot reverse the tide of history by their flagrant disregard not only of the numerous resolutions of the competent organs of this Organization, but also the condemnation of an aroused world public opinion. The United Nations must take resolute steps to bring to a halt the colonial war in those territories administered by Portugal and the policy of repression and brutality pursued by the Government of the Republic of South Africa under its bankrupt and pernicious system of apartheid. Suffice it to stand as a warning that the continent of Africa will not know any enduring peace so long as millions of Africans remain subjugated by either a colonial Power waging a brutal last-ditch fight or by ruthless racists who, in this enlightened age, remain apostles of the creed of the superiority of one race over another.
46. There is yet a more pressing matter demanding the urgent attention of this Assembly. I refer to the subject of disarmament. It is perhaps a sad commentary that, despite the directives issued to the Disarmament Commission by numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and despite appeals of the non-aligned and African Heads of State and Government, the negotiating Eighteen-Nation Committee in Geneva has not so far achieved anything significant in the way of concrete results.
47. True, a start has been made in exploring the facets and aspects of the issues. But it appears as though a tendency to avoid issues and to delve into semantics has crept into the deliberations of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee. In this regard, our experience in Geneva compels us to make the observation that the tendency to look for difficulties, far from facilitating their solution, will, on the contrary, prevent us from coming closer to achieving our goal of general and complete disarmament.
48. I should now like to turn to a closer examination of the twin issues of a comprehensive nuclear test ban and a non-proliferation agreement. The need for the "have-nots" to abstain from the possession of nuclear weapons goes hand in hand with an assurance that those who already have a virtual monopoly over these awesome instruments of destruction will stop amassing them and refining their deadliness still further. The nuclear Powers must give a clear undertaking to reduce and eliminate their huge stockpiles while non-dissemination agreement is being worked out.
49. The Ethiopian delegation is convinced that it is on such a rational approach that the directives of the General Assembly to the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee must be based. For our part, we will unreservedly support any initiatives of the General Assembly which will enable the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee to emerge from its protracted lethargy and take a positive stride forward along the difficult path of general and complete disarmament.
50. Another aspect of disarmament which has often been considered and which has received a measure of support is, of course, the creation of nuclear- free zones around the world. The creation of denuclearized regions, especially in those areas in which the interests of the major Power groupings might not be particularly harmonious, would tend to allay mutual fears and thus pave the way for some bold step that would, prevent any Power from brandishing these instruments of annihilation in time of tension.
51. But here again we should guard against trying to achieve the impossible. In other words, denuclearized zones would be ephemeral unless there was a firm understanding that these instruments of destruction would not be used in any armed conflict. Hence, we must recognize that any realistic disarmament programme necessarily demands outlawing the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons for war purposes.
52. In this respect, the Ethiopian delegation has for a number of years been labouring to persuade States Members of this Organization that the solution to the complex problem of nuclear disarmament lies in the conclusion of a universal international convention prohibiting the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons.
53. We therefore welcome and, support the resolution of the Disarmament Commission, adopted at its last session, urging the convening of a world disarmament conference, for in such a conference the first item that should receive the serious attention of the leaders of the world cannot fail to be the banning of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons from the arsenals of war. We should like once more to take this opportunity to emphasize anew that the only way to avoid a nuclear catastrophe is to conclude a treaty on this question. We trust that Member States will find it possible to support this suggestion when the question is taken up in the First Committee.
54. While the political activities of the United Nations attract our attention most, it is none the less true that its economic and technical activities are equally important to the world community. In this regard, the United Nations has taken a notable stride in establishing, by resolution 1995 (XIX), a permanent United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to promote the economic and social aims of the Charter. It is true that the principles of international trade and development policy evolved by this organ are not fully shared by some of the world’s most developed nations, and to this extent there may well be initial difficulties to be encountered by this new organ of the United Nations in implementing the recommendations contained in the Final Act of the Conference. But these initial difficulties cannot and should not deter the world community as a whole from proceeding with this important task.
55. In our view, the developed Members of this Organization have ample appreciation of the problems of economic development and the means to make the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development an effective instrument of peace and progress. We wish, therefore, to take this opportunity to appeal to the developed members of this Assembly to give their unreserved support to the activities initiated by the Conference.
56. The other most important consideration that deserves the attention of this Assembly is that of the strategy of economic development that must be employed by the United Nations in attaining economic and social progress for the developing countries. In this connexion, it is the belief of the Ethiopian Government that it is imperative to distinguish between the degrees of development among the developing countries in order to evolve effective combinations of trade and development policies to meet the differing requirements of the economies of the developing nations. We attribute great importance to these distinctions because, owing to the various stages of economic development in which the developing countries find themselves, all countries classified under the group could not be equally capable of gaining from a uniform trade and development policy. What are in fact needed are combinations of trade and development policies attuned to the respective requirements of the economies of the developing nations on a regional, sub-regional and country-by-country basis. That, in our view, is the only way by which the United Nations can ensure balanced advantages to all the developing countries, least developed or most advanced.
57. In concluding my remarks, let me make a final plea. Now that the Organization has survived a crippling experience, no effort should be spared to, enable it to move forward towards achieving the fundamental ideals of the charter. A spirit of mutual accommodation with a full appreciation of the needs of our times must now be vigorously pursued. Whatever differences may exist in the ideologies, the social and economic systems and the forms of government of Member States of this Organization, these differences must not be allowed to interfere with our common pursuit of an enduring peace and mutually beneficial co-operation. As we must all be aware, our universe is fast shrinking as a result of the spectacular advances in science and technology. There is sufficient evidence to show that the time is not far off when man's conquest of the universe will carry him to dizzying reaches of interstellar space. Yet we may well ask ourselves: what will these achievements benefit man if he is not able to master himself and his destiny sufficiently to halt the process of self-destruction set into motion by his invention of terrible weapons? We cannot indefinitely live in a world sustained by a precarious balance of terror in which an enduring peace and mutually beneficial efforts would be simply illusory. I believe that man is fully capable of achieving the goals of international peace and co-operation through vigorous, dedicated and selfless efforts. We must, therefore, as an assembly of nations striving for the benefit of mankind towards the ends of world peace and security, social amelioration and economic abundance, rise to the challenge of our times.