138. Mr. President, first of all, I should like to convey to you and, through you, to representatives, the greetings and good wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Mahendra, and the Government and the people of Nepal for the success of this twentieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, I wish to associate myself with the sentiments expressed by previous speakers in extending to you our sincere congratulations on your well deserved election to the high office of President of this session of the General Assembly. This great honour bears witness to your excellent qualities, which have been amply demonstrated by your skill and statesmanship as Prime Minister, and now as Foreign Minister, of your great country, with which we have the best of relations.
139. We are particularly happy to find amongst us the three new Member States — the Gambia, the Maldive Islands, and Singapore — whose admission to this body has been a positive step towards attaining the ideal of universality. We cordially greet them and wish them well-being and prosperity.
140. I feel particular pleasure at this opportune moment in referring to the inspiring message of peace delivered by His Holiness Pope Paul VI yesterday. His role as an apostle of peace is well known throughout the world. We greatly value his message of universal brotherhood and world peace.
141. May I also be permitted, on this occasion, to take the liberty of expressing our deep appreciation of the services rendered by your predecessor, Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey, whose skilled statesmanship and untiring efforts were able to turn the session of despondency and disillusion into one of consensus and hope.
142. I also wish to pay my tribute to our Secretary- General, U Thant, for his devotion and dedication to duty and his persistent endeavour to preserve the prestige and integrity of the United Nations in times of crisis. His recent efforts in the cause of peace between India and Pakistan, both of which are our close friends and neighbours, were indeed most remarkable. Once again, the world has witnessed the unique service which the Secretary-General has rendered in bringing about a cease-fire in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. In this connexion, may I quote the message personally addressed to the Secretary-General by His Majesty King Mahendra:
"Please accept our sincere congratulations for your exemplary role as peacemaker in the recent India-Pakistan conflict. By your relentless efforts to bring about peace in this war-threatened part of the world, you have merited the gratitude of all peace-loving mankind. As guardian of international peace and security, the United Nations Security Council has once again proved equal to its responsibility and put an end to the armed hostilities between two of the largest countries of Asia. Nepal has welcomed the cease-fire with great relief and believes that yours has been the greatest single role in overcoming the crisis which posed a most serious threat to the peace of the world."
143. My delegation is happy to avail itself of this opportunity to express once again our trust and confidence in the person of the Secretary-General whose dedicated efforts in quest of a permanent solution to the India-Pakistan conflict will, we hope, meet with a favourable response from both parties. We hope that, in this connexion, both India and Pakistan will show a conciliatory attitude and a respectful willingness to co-operate with the Secretary-General in achieving a commonly accepted formula for permanent peace 'between these two countries. This alone, we believe, will make a lasting contribution to the Bandung principles for which they stand. I have the honour to inform this Assembly that in order to assist in the peace-keeping efforts of the Secretary-General, His Majesty's Government of Nepal has detailed five officers of the Royal Nepalese Army for the United Nations India-Pakistan Observation Mission.
144. The present international situation appears to be far from satisfactory. There are still many explosive spots in the world which pose a constant threat to international peace and security. The way in which the issues involved in such situations have been treated or handled so far does not seem to take into account the widely prevailing opinion in the world, nor does it conform to realities. As a matter of fact, the wishes of the people and the interests of the areas directly concerned and affected were not taken into consideration; what mattered was modern power politics.
145. My delegation feels strongly that the original sense of joint responsibility which was the very basis of this world body as a bulwark of peace has sometimes been lacking on the part of some countries, due to their post-war trend towards the building up of their spheres of interest. Unless the big Powers take the smaller countries of the world along with them in the solutions of the outstanding problems which continue to vex the world even today, mankind will not be safe from the scourge of war for the prevention of which the United Nations was brought into being.
146. Many trouble-spots in the world, such as Cyprus and Viet-Nam, are causing great concern to all of us. Although there has been relative quiet for the past few months in Cyprus, the basic situation there remains unchanged. As for the evolution of a commonly acceptable formula regarding the two Cypriot communities, no real progress has been achieved so far. The quiet atmosphere which now prevails in the Island is tenuous. Under difficult conditions, the manner in which the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, has been able to prevent an occasional recurrence of fighting is indeed very encouraging. I should like to reiterate here the firm view of His Majesty's Government of Nepal that the future of the Cypriot people must be settled by themselves in co-operation with the peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations and without any outside interference.
147. When we think of the forcible division of nations, we are naturally reminded of the explosive problems of Berlin, Germany, the region of South- East Asia, and the Far East. Any one of them IS likely, one day, to emit the sparks of conflagration and, indeed, of general war which may affect the destiny of all mankind. Problems resulting from the division of nations against the wishes of their people have been a source of permanent danger to the peace of the world. Consolidation of peace depends largely on the settlement of these problems, some of which are now causing graver and more wide-spread concern than ever before.
148. If, against this background, we look at the developments in Viet-Nam, we cannot but express our sorrow at the unhappy situations that are created by the clash of opposing forces in a cold-war atmosphere. The measures which are prescribed in the 1954 Geneva Agreements and which were designed to settle the crisis over Indo-China have not been fully Implemented. For the same reason, it has become difficult for the International Commission for Supervision and Control to carry out its tasks.
149. In view of the seriousness of the situation, His Majesty's Government of Nepal considers it necessary that in the interest of South-East Asia in particular and of the world in general, all external provocations leading to the escalation of war in Viet-Nam should be brought to an end immediately. We are of the opinion that the most important task for us is to evolve a situation in which the United Nations could, in contrast to its present helplessness, effectively play the role of the principal agency for bringing about peace in Viet-Nam within the framework of the Geneva Agreements of 1954.
150. This leads me to the question of the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. Nepal, from the very beginning, has been insistently advocating the replacement of Kuomintang China by the People's Republic of China, The continued absence of the Government of the People's Republic of China gives an air of unreality to all decisions and deliberations of the United Nations. We should like to repeat here that there is one China and that is the People's Republic of China; and a refusal of its rightful claim to be within the United Nations today is completely contrary to the realities of the present-day world. Whether in the question of general and complete disarmament or in the political settlement of the South East Asia problem, the participation of the People's Republic of China is one of the prime necessities for attaining peace in the world.
151. As we all know, the nineteenth session of the General Assembly had to be adjourned without ever adopting an agenda, because of the wrangle over the peace-keeping costs of the United Nations. In fact, more than anything else in its history, it was the financial crisis which put the United Nations into difficulties. The conciliatory gesture shown by the Government of the United States of America by withdrawing its demand for the application of Article 19 of the Charter apparently removed the threat of the possible destruction of the United Nations. I should like to express our thanks to the Government of the United States of America for its wise and practical decision in this regard.
152. But this by itself is not the end of the problem. If we are keen to strengthen the Organization further, reconciliation must be effected between the powers of the Big Five and the voting rights of the smaller nations. Voluntary contributions to ease the financial difficulties of the Organization are but temporary palliatives. Mere numerical addition to the Security Council under the revised Charter will only expand the Council without achieving any clear objective. For the greater interest of peace and international co-operation, the concept of collective responsibility cannot and should not be ignored.
153. The consensus reached at the end of the nineteenth session could only solve the question of the finances of the United Nations Emergency Force [UNEF] and the operations in the Congo [ONUC], but the question of future peace-keeping operations is still in the dark. We are doubtful whether the twentieth session can successfully determine the modalities of future peace-keeping operations unless we are able to define correctly and with unanimity what shall constitute peace-keeping operations. Are we going to limit the concept of peace-keeping operations only to violations of peace by smaller countries, or are we going to evolve methods to control possible violations of the peace by big Powers as well? On this alone will depend the entire future peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations.
154. We believe that active invocation of Article 43 of the Charter is essential for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security. Nepal, on its part, is prepared to contribute its mite to strengthening the peace-keeping efforts of the United Nations.
155. In focusing our attention on the peace-keeping role of the United Nations, we are naturally reminded of the burning problem of disarmament — the most urgent task for the safety and prosperity of mankind. The partial nuclear test-ban Treaty, the establishment of a "hot line" between Moscow and Washington, and the agreement to refrain from placing in orbit objects of mass destruction or installing them in outer space [resolution 1884 (XVIII)] were important initial steps towards the goal of general and complete disarmament. But the world has not witnessed the real process of disarmament either in the nuclear or the conventional field. However, we can find encouragement in the fact that these initial steps have brought about more favourable conditions than before. These steps have certainly opened the door to further talks to explore areas of agreement on disarmament, even though the disarmament conference held under the aegis of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee in Geneva has shown little progress.
156. The Disarmament Commission meeting this year took the correct decision of recommending to the twentieth session of the General Assembly the convening of a world disarmament Conference. We genuinely feel that, without a real exhibition of earnestness and determination by all the five nuclear Powers at a world disarmament parley, the goal of general and complete disarmament would be impossible of universal achievement.
157. The People's Republic of China, which has recently entered the group of nuclear Powers, has so far not been invited to participate in any disarmament conferences. It is difficult to conceive of general and complete disarmament, or of any meaningful step towards it, without the participation of all nuclear Powers in the negotiations.
158. The delegation of Nepal strongly appeals to the General Assembly to adopt the recommendation of the Disarmament Commission and convene a world disarmament conference, possibly by the middle of 1966. Some hope was pinned on a positive outcome of the resumed meetings of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee in Geneva. But, except for the reiteration of cold-war polemics in the deliberations, the outcome was of little significance. A number of delegations of smaller countries, concerned as they are with the frightening consequences of war, undoubtedly made important contributions in suggesting compromise solutions between the conflicting positions of the two big Powers.
159. The Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee unfortunately could make little headway in negotiating the extension of the partial test-ban Treaty to cover underground tests and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. These two most urgent tasks assigned to the Committee would undoubtedly require a substantial period of time for negotiation because the contradictory stands on methods of detection of underground tests would need sound scientific proof for resolution. Equally, a non-proliferation agreement could be achieved if the nuclear Powers could give positive expression to their clear intention of not extending their nuclear capability and of limiting their nuclear stockpile.
160. I now come to another serious problem, which, in our opinion, is a potential threat to peace. I am referring to the continuous violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms by the Government of the Republic of South Africa through its exhibition of a supercilious sense of racial discrimination practised as State policy. This is nothing but a relic of primitive barbarism, which has reached fantastic heights in the policy of apartheid. This policy of discrimination between Whites and the non-Whites is in gross contradiction to the principle of equality of all peoples, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. I should therefore like to reaffirm here our earlier unconditional support to all freedom fighters of South Africa who are waging a relentless struggle against apartheid, and to appeal to all freedom-loving nations to give it a final blow, collectively and once and for all, in defence of elementary human rights.
161. The Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, in which the representative of Nepal has been serving as Rapporteur, has adopted a special report [A/5957] with specific recommendations to the Security Council and to this General Assembly for putting an end to the present policies of the South African Government. Among other things, the report asks for the severance of diplomatic relations and for an economic boycott as basic measures which should immediately be applied in regard to the South African Government.
162. In this connexion, I wish to recall the appeal made by our representative in the Special Committee on Apartheid that the major trading partners of South Africa should cease to sacrifice human dignity and justice to the profit motive. It is our earnest desire that the specific recommendations of the Special Committee be carried out in good faith, in an effort to wipe out the tyrannical rule of the South African Government.
163. A similar type of case is posed by the minority Government of Southern Rhodesia. The insistence of the minority Government on ruling against the wishes of the majority is a return to an age which has gone for ever.
164. The happenings in Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea and South West Africa are equally depressing. Their African populations are subjected to humiliation and exploitation by hard measures of repression and by military operations of the Portuguese and South African Governments. The conditions obtaining in the Territories of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland are also far from satisfactory. Examining the situation in these Territories, the Committee of Twenty-Four, after many meetings in different parts of Africa, has recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the peoples of these Territories for independence and self-determination. The recommendations of this Committee [A/6000/ Rev.1] should be carried out in order to safeguard the political rights of the African population still languishing under colonialism. As regards Muscat and Oman also, the legitimate aspirations of their people should be fully vindicated on the basis of the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on Oman.
165. His Majesty's Government of Nepal has consistently advocated the eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. We have full sympathy and support for the brave peoples of Angola, Mozambique and other colonial territories fighting resolutely against the last vestiges of colonialism. At this point, I cannot but recall the great contribution made by the United Nations in helping countries under colonial domination to attain their emancipation. Had it not been for the United Nations, the process of decolonization would not have been so fast as it has been in the last ten years or so. Many countries were able to throw off the yoke of foreign domination, and generally the moral pressure of the United Nations was felt in most cases. We are confident that continued efforts by the United Nations, coupled with a determined fight for freedom by the peoples under colonial domination, will before long bring the end of all forms of colonial rule and and thereby help the peoples of these colonies to attain their rightful aspiration for national independence and sovereignty.
166. The dawn of the sixties witnessed the launching of the United Nations Development Decade. High hopes were expressed for the attainment of the growth target set for the decade. But against these high expectations, the ever-widening gap between the rich and the poor countries has, in the middle of the Development Decade, regrettably registered a deceleration in the rate of growth of the developing countries. Instead of attempting to help the developing countries to overcome their unfavourable terms of trade, unfortunate attempts are being made by the developed countries to undo the recommendations of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. This can lead only to greater economic tensions between the North-South group of countries potentially more dangerous than the political tensions between the East-West group of nations.
167. As a land-locked country, Nepal's prime concern in its attempt for diversifying its trade was to get certain norms of transit trade established by the international community. We are satisfied that the Secretary-General convened the Conference of Plenipotentiaries, as recommended by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, to adopt a convention on transit trade of land-locked countries. Although the text adopted by the Conference of Plenipotentiaries is not to the complete satisfaction of the land-locked countries, yet it has broken new grounds. We feel that it has removed any doubt, if such doubts ever existed, regarding the right of land-locked States to free and unrestricted transit to and from the sea. At the same time, by clearly establishing the principle of reciprocity between land-locked and costal countries, it shows the willingness of land-locked countries — within their geographic possibilities — to act, themselves, as transit countries — that is, as bridges between their own neighbours. These, and some other principles laid down in the new Convention, should prove advantageous to all countries, whether land-locked or coastal.
168. It is perhaps not without significance also that the new Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States is one of the first and, perhaps, so far the most important, concrete results of the Geneva Conference on Trade and Development. There is general consensus that the Conference was a historic event. For, in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the United Nations was able to create, for the first time, an institutional framework for international economic co-operation between the prosperous minority and the less prosperous majority of mankind, for generating a spirit of co-operation amongst them.
169. However fruitful and diversified the activities of the United Nations system have been, it lacked, until then, such institutional framework for world-wide planning and co-operation in the all-important and closely interdependent fields of trade and development. Hence, the significance of the creation of the Conference on Trade and Development has been unequivocally recognized the world over. The Conference has placed the truth before those who are ahead of us economically and technologically that world prosperity is indivisible, and that prosperity cannot be separated from peace.
170. Finally, in the twentieth anniversary year of the United Nations, which also happens to be the tenth anniversary year of Nepal's membership in it, I should like to reiterate Nepal's unswerving faith in the principles enshrined in the Charter and the lofty ideals of the United Nations. I should like to stress further that it is the only hope of mankind for averting nuclear holocaust and for preserving peace. The United Nations has already played great roles in the field of maintaining world peace; and if all of us combine our efforts and channel our resources for its financial stability, it is bound to play greater roles. Let us all renew our pledge at this twentieth anniversary of our Organization.
171. Nepal, for its part, has placed complete confidence in the United Nations, for it genuinely considers that the United Nations — and only the United Nations — can safeguard the interests of small as well as big nations, and thereby greatly contribute to world peace.