1. Mr. President, since the delegation of Liberia had the honour, on 22 September, of extending congratulations on your election to your high office, I shall only add my own cordial felicitations and express the hope that you will draw on all your resources to revitalize and strengthen the General Assembly. In that difficult and arduous task Liberia wishes you well, and I assure you of my delegation's fullest co-operation and support.
2. I also wish co compliment His Excellency Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey, the outgoing President, who presided over the Assembly with skill in one of its most difficult periods. He thereby won the admiration of all.
3. I extend fraternal greetings and a warm welcome to the Gambia, Africa's thirty-sixth independent State, and to Singapore and the Maldive Islands — all of which have been admitted to membership of the United Nations at this session. We are pleased that they will be joining hands with us in the tireless and praiseworthy pursuit of peace and friendly cooperation among nations.
4. The General Assembly's twentieth session convenes in an atmosphere most sombrely tinged with doubts and fears. The undeclared war between India and Pakistan, the armed conflict in Viet-Nam and the confrontation between Indonesia and Malaysia make it abundantly clear that the disaster of which we stand in fear is no longer a small cloud on the horizon, but a threatening storm about to unleash its thunder above our very heads. To this swiftly unfolding menace must be added the persistent, if momentarily quiescent, problem of divided countries. All efforts must be exerted to find peaceful solutions to these conflicts and problems.
5. Faced with those explosive situations and the crises resulting from them which have seized the world from time to time, who will doubt that we must never relax in our attempts to find a solution to the problem of disarmament? Though success has eluded our reach since 1899, when the first International Peace Conference on the Limitation of Arms was convened at The Hague, we must not accept such failures. The goal is worth the effort, and so we must continue to use our energies in its pursuit until every failure experienced in the past reveals its secret to us and leads us to success.
6. Between April and June 1965 the Disarmament Commission met here on the initiative of the Soviet Union. In his opening remarks, the Secretary-General of the United Nations pointed to the increasing dangers in the nuclear arms race and expressed the hope that solutions could be found for the problem of the discontinuance of all nuclear tests as well as for that of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
7. The discussions indicated the strong desire of all nations for urgent action to prevent proliferation of national nuclear forces and led to the resumption of the Seventeen-nation Geneva Conference. That Conference ended in September on a note of restrained optimism.
8. The arms race has not only resulted in extravagant military expenditures, but it is generally recognized that it has caused unnecessary diversion of resources needed to build progress and peace in the world. But what is even more ironic to the point of being ludicrous is that it has increased the insecurity which it was intended to cure. Even those countries with the most advanced military weapons feel naked before its terrifying and utterly devastating power.
9. Since the end of the Second World War, the genius of man in inventing nuclear and thermonuclear weapons has given rise to the fear of his own self-destruction. His ability to invent such destructive forces in quantity and quality has outstripped his capacity to devise adequate safeguards against his own annihilation. Nor has he developed, along with his vast accumulation of scientific knowledge, any comparable growth of wisdom which would enable him to bring these weapons under international control. This makes disarmament seem a long way off.
10. But we cannot forget that the main impulse behind the genesis of this Organization was the desire to maintain peace and to evolve a workable machinery for the settlement of international disputes without a resort to arms, so that our efforts would be turned to the pursuit of social progress, justice and a better life for all.
11. Because this basic purpose of the United Nations cannot be achieved under tensions arising from the perpetuation of the arms race, we must never tire in our efforts to bring about world disarmament. Everything reasonable should be tried to get an effective agreement on disarmament. My delegation will therefore support the call for a world disarmament conference.
12. Perhaps if we are successful in achieving disarmament some of the immense expenditures for arms might be channelled into such useful ventures as would ensure to all mankind a better way of life.
13. The United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space has continued its work.
14. The space programmes in the United States and the Soviet Union continue to make spectacular progress. We had hoped that the Dryden-Blagonravov agreement of 1962 on a weather satellite programmed would have been the beginning of further agreements. Unfortunately it does not appear that much has been done.
15. Now that a manned orbiting laboratory is to be launched and it is possible that military uses of outer space will be made, we hope that some progress can be made towards the exploration of those dangers that are likely to result from the destructive uses of outer space. Perhaps a regulatory convention on the use of outer space should be worked out.
16. It has been noted that, when the work of assistance for European refugees was nearing completion, new refugee problems emerged. We are pleased that the Secretary-General, in his annual report [A/6001 and Corr.1, chap. VI, sect. F], notes that a spirit of international solidarity has developed between the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and Governments as well as other organizations, both inter-governmental and non-governmental, interested in the work of his Office.
17. The refugee question has now developed into one of Africa’s major problems and a commission of ten States was set up in 1964 by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity to examine the problem. This Commission is fully organized and working toward the rehabilitation of the refugees in Africa. It is the hope of my Government that close co-operation will exist between the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Organization of African Unity’s Refugee Commission.
18. We hope also that the aid which the High Commissioner has given this problem will be continued. The work so far done by him in several parts of the world has been most commendable. We believe that greater financial support should be made available for this purpose.
19. In spite of the fact that many countries have recently gained independence, decolonization remains an important question before the United Nations in the light of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly on 14 December 1960 [resolution 1514 (XV)].
20. The Portuguese Government continues its repressive military action in African Territories under Portuguese administration and has not taken any effective steps to implement the provisions of the resolutions adopted by the Security Council in 1963.
21. At that time the Council — in resolution 180 (1963) — determined that Portuguese activities were seriously disturbing peace and security in Africa and called upon Portugal to recognize the right of the peoples of the Territories to self-determination and independence; to cease all acts of repression and to withdraw all military and other forces employed for that purpose; to promulgate an unconditional political amnesty and establish conditions that would allow the free functioning of political parties; to negotiate, on the basis of the recognition of the right to self-determination, with the authorized representatives of the political parties within and outside the Territories with a view to the transfer of power to political institutions freely elected and representative of the peoples; and finally, to grant independence thereafter to all the Territories in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples.
22. The situation has deteriorated further. The Republic of Senegal was compelled to bring another complaint to the Security Council about violations of its frontier by Portuguese forces, and the African States will soon bring the whole matter before the Security Council again for its consideration and for action which will ensure compliance with its resolutions.
23. The case of South West Africa is presently being heard in the International Court of Justice. Nevertheless, it has been reported that the South African Government has been granting concessions to companies for the exploration and exploitation of the natural and human resources of that Territory and that some of the recommendations of the Odendaal Commission, including the creation of non-European "homelands”, are being implemented.
24. It is our opinion that South Africa's action in this regard should be condemned, for no action should be taken against the interests of the Mandated Territory and its inhabitants while the case is being heard.
25. The situation in Rhodesia, where a minority racist Government threatens a unilateral declaration of independence contrary to the will and interest of the African majority, is fraught with grave danger.
26. This matter was brought before the Security Council last April by the African States and was discussed in six meetings. The Security Council adopted a resolution On 6 May [202 (1965)] in which it noted and approved the opinion of the majority of the population of Southern Rhodesia that the United Kingdom should convene a constitutional conference; requested the United Kingdom not to accept a unilateral declaration of independence to take all necessary action to prevent such a declaration not to transfer to Southern Rhodesia's present Government any of the powers or attributes of sovereignty, but to promote its attainment of independence by a democratic system in accordance with the aspirations of the majority of the population; and further requested the United Kingdom to enter into consultations and convene a conference of all political parties in order to adopt new constitutional provisions acceptable to the majority.
27. It is well known that these requests have not been fulfilled.
28. It is very difficult for us in Africa to understand the position of the United Kingdom Government. On 25 October 1964, Prime Minister Harold Wilson issued a forceful statement of his Government’s position on Rhodesia. In concluding that statement he stressed: "... A declaration of independence would be an open act of defiance and rebellion and it would be treasonable to give effect to it”.
29. Yet the same Government has virtually stated that should the present minority Government in Rhodesia make a unilateral declaration of independence, the United Kingdom Government will not act militarily against such "defiance and rebellion”. It is interesting to note that this was not that Government’s attitude in Cyprus or British Guiana. In Aden today action is being taken by the United Kingdom Government to counter rebellion against constitutional authority.
30. One wonders then if this statement in advance by the United Kingdom Government was not intended to give the minority Government a freer hand in permitting it to make just such a declaration. An explanation would be interesting. In any case, let us remember that a real solution may be found if the properly expressed will of the majority is accepted.
31. The unprincipled and vicious policy of apartheid continues to be pursued by the Government of South Africa without shame, without compunction and with much obstinacy. This policy violates the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and denies the majority of the population basic and fundamental rights through a carefully prepared scheme of laws. Such a pernicious practice has been unheard of.
32. Unfortunately, the Organization has been unable up to the present, despite the words of nearly all its Members, to take the necessary bold and forceful action to reverse the trend in South Africa. World order and peace will never be built on such gross injustice. It is foolhardy to think otherwise.
33. While there have been several authoritarian régimes in the recent past which were guilty of degrees of tyranny, it is only the régime in South Africa which stands convicted over and over again of establishing and operating that most odious and degenerate form of tyranny — one based on racism.
34. Apartheid is not only morally repulsive. It is a clear and mounting threat to world peace and as such amply fulfils the requirements for the application of sanctions. The evidence is not lacking that the African population is being reluctantly but inevitably driven to adopt violence as a solution to its desperate plight in the face of repressive laws.
35. If we are to fulfil in good faith our obligation solemnly assumed under the Charter to promote and encourage:
"respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion", then we must act resolutely to prevent one Member nation from flouting its obligation and from acting in contemptuous defiance of all its decisions and recommendations.
36. The Security Council’s Group of Experts last year stated in its report that the future of South Africa should be settled by all the people; that continuation of the present position would lead to violent conflict and tragedy for all the people of South Africa; and that efforts should be directed towards the establishment of a national convention representative of the entire people to establish a new future for that country. The experts also stated that if South Africa did not accept these recommendations total sanctions represented the only recourse.
37. Apparently unwilling to take such an important step without proper study as to its effectiveness, the Security Council created an Expert Committee composed of the 1964 members of the Council which has now submitted its report. It will come up shortly before the Security Council.
38. The report states the conclusion that there were, several areas of vulnerability in the South African economy and that the degree of effectiveness of economic measures would depend directly on the universality of application and on the manner and duration of enforcement. Thus South Africa’s economy could be seriously affected by a total trade embargo and an interdiction of communications. There was discussion about the creation of adequate machinery to ensure that measures decided upon would not be circumvented by States and individuals.
39. These conclusions are not dissimilar to those reached at the International Conference on Economic Sanctions against South Africa, held in London in April 1964.
40. This problem is a serious one and has continued for so long that positive action is necessary for trying to get a final solution. My delegation hopes that when the Security Council takes up this question in the near future it will no longer indulge in casuistry or pyrotechnics, nor hesitate to take forthright action.
41. One of the important achievements of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly was the establishment of the, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development as a permanent organ of the Assembly to be convened at three-year intervals. It will promote concrete action in the field of trade and of trade in relation to development.
42. This could prove to have been a significant decision, coming at the mid-point of the United Nations Development Decade, especially as we are far from achieving its objectives. In addition, the economic situation for developing countries seems to be deteriorating, not improving.
43. The Development Decade aimed at a growth rate of 5 per cent in the developing countries by 1970. It is reported to have declined slightly. The aid being offered by donor countries has levelled off, while the developing countries have greater capacity to make worthwhile use of more aid.
44. Commenting on this in Paris recently, Mr. George Woods, President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, declared:
"The present levels of debt service are dangerously high. They mean that a good deal of the proceeds of new loans must be devoted to servicing previously contracted obligation, rather than being invested in new productive development. When all service and dividend payments on both public debt and private investment are taken into account, the backflow from the developing countries offsets about half the entire gross capital inflow which these countries receive from all sources. Unless a major part of this existing gap is bridged on very easy terms, I believe that what lies ahead is an inevitable and a heart-breaking slowdown in economic development and even in international trade."
45. Moreover, there seems to be a tendency towards hardening the terms on which aid is given. These facts are bound to have an adverse effect on the steady economic growth of developing countries.
46. The Secretary-General, in a report submitted to the Economic and Social Council in June 1965, revealed that the rate of expansion of economic structures continued to be slow and that international aid to developing countries had "virtually ceased to increase", while the population explosion calls for urgent action. Thus it appears the developing world would get poorer in the second half of the Development Decade unless governmental policies aimed at perfecting education, public health, and such other services were implemented and action could be taken to decrease the birth-rate, increase long-term investments, and so forth.
47. With a majority of people in the world living in substandard conditions, the economic picture here looks bleak for developing countries. That is why we still hope that developing countries will undertake policies that will increase income from the exports of primary commodities and enable us to earn our way. The long-range interests of all countries will benefit by this.
48. The developed countries must not forget that gem of wisdom spoken over a hundred years ago by the great American President Abraham Lincoln. He said: "While man exists it is his duty to improve not only his own condition, but to assist in ameliorating mankind".
49. The Economic and Social Council has concurred in the view that there should be a consolidation of the Special Fund and the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. The reasons given for this, such as streamlining activities, moulding over-all planning, co-ordinating the programmes, are indeed genuine and would make for greater efficiency. My delegation will therefore support this measure.
50. My Government has always stated as its position that peace-keeping operations are an important function of the United Nations and should be a collective responsibility of all Member States. It now appears that the big Powers and those smaller ones which they actively support will select those peacekeeping operations for which they will pay. This is unfortunate, in our opinion, but it appears to have been the only possible solution in this situation. Now the United Nations will have to work out guidelines between the primary responsibilities of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security and the residual responsibilities of the General Assembly. In this connexion the proposal of Ireland [A/5966/Rev.2] should be given careful consideration.
51. As an indication of our support for the United Nations and our interest in the solution of the present financial crisis, my Government has made a voluntary contribution without conditions.
52. We are all celebrating International Co-operation Year. Our goal was to educate our people, particularly those of tender school age, in understanding the aims and values of this Organization as well as its achievements and shortcomings over the past two decades. We sought to stress what international co-operation means and how it should work among nations in order that we might improve our world.
53. It was just over twenty years ago that World War II, the most devastating war in history, ended with the use of nuclear weapons. After all the destruction of life and property, hopes were raised by the creation of the United Nations. It was felt that this Organization would maintain international peace and security and that man’s efforts would be directed toward more wholesome pursuits such as the development of human and natural resources, social progress, justice and a better life for all. Thus the Preamble to our Charter reflected a great ideal.
54. These hopes have been shaken. The past year has been one of protracted and painful crisis for this Organization. Nor is our ordeal at an end, although today the Assembly is once more functioning normally, for we are still weakened by the burden of debt which somehow must be lifted before our full vigour and vitality can return.
55. Over the past years this Organization has had some successes and some failures. If for selfish reasons we permit it to be destroyed, we should consider the terrifying alternative. There must remain our mutual interest to maintain international peace and security. Whatever the problems that have led to the present, the challenge of today is that we make honest efforts to find suitable solutions that will strengthen and not weaken the Organization and that will also make it better able to fulfil its functions.
56. The President of Liberia, speaking in Monrovia on 2 October 1965 about the world situation and his anxieties, declared:
“Recognizing the ever-present danger of anarchy and destruction, I call today for Liberia and Liberians, for Africa and Africans, and for all nations and peoples who fervently seek peace to join in demanding a rebirth of influence, confidence, authority and effectiveness for the United Nations because it remains the best, indeed the only, instrument in our hands potentially capable of eradicating war and all its terrors.
”To the nations for which the United Nations is the best protection, we must ask: 'Do we want the United Nations or do we want nothing?' Because if we do not support and insist upon the support of others for this sole instrument for peace, we will one day have nothing."
57. Who was not moved to a new reflection on the fate of this Organization when His Holiness Pope Paul VI, speaking in a similar vein as the President of Liberia, said: "The building you have made must never again fall in ruins; it must be perfected and conformed to the demands world history will make" [1347th meeting, para. 26].
58. In spite of present difficulties, let us all pledge ourselves anew to the fulfilment of the ideals of the United Nations. Let us try to bring an end to war for all time. Let us resolve to find solutions to the new problems and tensions which progress has brought in its trail.
59. This is a great task. It is a challenging one, but we must meet it for the sake of mankind.