85. It gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. Fanfani my congratulations and those of my Government and delegation upon his unanimous election to the Presidency of this very important and historic session of the General Assembly. The task of an Assembly President is never a simple one and we are certain that his broad experience as a renowned statesman and his noble spirit and character, will assure us the guidance we need if our Organization is to move forward significantly during the current session.
86. It was with deep concern that we heard of the unfortunate accident which happened to him last week, and we wish to express our deep sympathy and sincere wishes for his proper and prompt recovery, so that this Assembly may again benefit from his wisdom for the rest of the session.
87. We should also like to congratulate Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey, whose tireless zeal and skilled efforts as President of the nineteenth session of the General Assembly helped to bring about an honourable solution to the political, financial and constitutional 'problems which faced the Organization.
88. May we also express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for the very valuable, contribution he made to that solution. His wisdom and dedication to the cause of the Organization command our thanks and gratitude.
89. On behalf of Kuwait, I welcome the new Member States to the United Nations: Singapore, the Gambia and the Maldive Islands. With their presence here, a further step is achieved towards the universality of our Organization, the source from which we believe it draws its strength and vitality. We hope that our membership will continue to grow as those remaining colonies and dependencies throw off the yoke of colonialism and achieve the dignity of sovereign independence.
90. After the Second World War, the awakening of colonial peoples and their determination to attain freedom and independence have become the most significant factors governing international relations in this century. The United Nations, realizing the irreversible character of this trend, has dedicated itself to the cause of decolonization and devoted much of its effort to the achievement of such a goal.
91. While my delegation notes with appreciation the substantial accomplishments in this direction, we wish at the same time to express our strong dissatisfaction with the negative attitude of certain colonial Powers, which persist in their refusal to comply with the numerous resolutions of the United Nations calling for the liquidation of all forms of colonialism. This attitude, in our opinion, weakens the Organization and undermines its authority.
92. We emphasize that only when all dependent peoples are allowed to decide their destiny through the solemn act of self-determination will the era of colonialism be ended. The peoples of Aden, Oman, South Arabia, the Portuguese territories in Africa, Southern Rhodesia and South West Africa, and those who are suffering under the inhuman practices of apartheid in South Africa, must all be given the right to exercise self-determination. The United Nations now has the power and the prestige to speed self-determination and independence in those territories. Oppression and repression must be halted, and domination in all its manifestations should be eliminated.
93. My Government was deeply disturbed by the recent developments in Aden. The suspension of the constitution, the imposition of martial law and the assumption by the High Commissioner of direct rule, constitute, in the opinion of my Government, a serious violation of the rights of the people of Aden, and are In direct opposition to resolution 1949 (XVIII), which called upon the United Kingdom Government to cease military operations against the people, to abolish the state of emergency and to repeal all laws restricting public freedom, to release all political detainees and to permit those in exile to return, and to allow the people of Aden to exercise their inalienable right of self-determination.
94. The action of the British Government is one of repression and my delegation strongly deplores such measures, and feels that they will never provide the proper ground for a peaceful solution of such a dangerous and complicated problem. The United Kingdom has promised Aden, and the Aden Protectorates, independence in 1968, but independence should be preceded by actions that would give the emerging country a solid basis, founded on national unity, constitutional Government and a well-organized administration. The United Kingdom is no newcomer in the field of decolonization. We here invite it to continue its liberal policy of decolonization, which has resulted in bringing to this forum many new Member States. We appeal to it to abandon measures which may delay independence, but can never prevent it.
95. One other problem of special interest to Kuwait is that of Oman. The Ad Hoc Committee on Oman has amassed sufficient evidence to show clearly that this is a colonial problem. Accordingly, it is the view of our delegation that steps should be taken by this Organization so that the people of Oman may exercise their inalienable right of self-determination.
96. I should like to reaffirm that one of the most important functions of the United Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, we believe that it is most significant for the future of the Organization that Pope Paul VI has made his "pilgrimage for peace" to voice his appeal for the elimination of war and the achievement of a lasting spirit of brotherhood in the world. The delegation of Kuwait sincerely hopes that this appeal will be heard and that all men of goodwill will make every effort to attain this noble aim of world peace — a peace based on right, justice and understanding; a peace that is prefaced by the emancipation of those still struggling for their freedom; a peace that promotes genuine international co-operation for social and economic development and eliminates the flagrant differences between the developed and under-developed countries. For it is only when such a peace prevails that we can look with hope to a world where every man and woman would enjoy a better life in freedom and dignity.
97. It is with these positive views and great hopes in mind that we assess the future. Yet, it is a matter of great concern to my Government that the international scene is still disturbed by conflicts which endanger world peace.
98. Relations between Kuwait and the Indian subcontinent have existed for many centuries from the time our sailing vessels first landed there. Ever since then, our friendship with both India and Pakistan has grown in fraternal spirit. We were, therefore, deeply disturbed by the recent conflict which arose between these two countries, which we both admire and respect. We are grieved at the re suiting loss of life and serious material damage suffered by their peoples. Our policy towards this grave situation is also governed by the joint declaration made at the recent Conference of the Heads of Arab States, held last September in Casablanca. That declaration stated:
"The Heads of Arab States, reaffirming their appeal to all Governments to renounce policies of force and to attempt resolving international problems through peaceful means, in accordance with the right of self- determination, express their deep concern for the _ armed conflict between India and Pakistan, and call upon the two countries to put an end to the hostilities and to solve their differences by peaceful means in accordance with the principles and resolutions of the United Nations."
99. The eminent role played by our Secretary-General in this matter deserves our highest appreciation and admiration. Though we were heartened by the unanimous action of the Security Council and the seeming acceptance by the parties to the cease-fire, the events which followed reflect, unfortunately, the dangerous nature of this conflict and its possible disastrous effect on world peace. We therefore believe that the United Nations should undertake a review of the fundamental factors of this long-standing problem, with a view to finding a lasting solution based on the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, and in harmony with the Charter.
100. The war in Viet-Nam is another one of those conflagrations which seriously endangers world peace and security. My delegation favours an early end to the fighting and we sincerely hope that the Secretary-General will continue his efforts to that end. We also wish to express our hope that all the parties concerned will make a positive and constructive contribution to these efforts, thereby discharging their fundamental responsibilities for the maintenance of peace, in accordance with their commitments to the Charter. As for Kuwait, we favour a solution that is based on neutrality and non-interference in Viet-Nams internal affairs and the recognition of its independence and national sovereignty, as agreed upon in the Geneva Conference of 1954.
101. As we come to the close of this second decade of our Organization's existence, we should be aware of one salient fact, which is that compromise solutions and half solutions are no solutions at all. In the first instance, they do not satisfy the parties directly concerned and, equally bad, the problems, rather than disappearing from the international scene, remain with us year after year. In fact, they tend to spoil the record of achievements of this Organization to the detriment of its stature before world public opinion, and affect its usefulness in the accomplishment of its fundamental role.
102. Our Organization, through the collective will of its Member States, should courageously reject temporary, weak and compromise solutions. The Organization should have the will and determination to study difficult and complex problems in depth and solve them according to the principles of law, justice and equity.
103. If the Organization ignores this approach, then it is reasonable to expect that this failure will be reflected by those directly concerned in solving or exacerbating such problems taking direct actions in other than peaceful ways, to the detriment of world peace and security and to the United Nations itself.
104. One such problem which has plagued our Organization since 1947 is that of Palestine. The Palestine problem is like a smouldering volcano, frequently flaring into eruptions which threaten the peace of the Middle East, and which so often require the urgent attention of the Security Council. I must admit that it was to my great amazement that Mrs. Golda Meir, in her address to this Assembly, did not even mention the Palestine Arab refugees. How can she ignore them when they number over 1,250,000 men, women and children, who are settled just outside the borders of their country, surveying their homes and their
lands under the occupation of usurpers who drove them out in an inglorious war, and who reap, under the protection of military arms, the benefits from what they had built up over the centuries. Those Zionist racists whom Mrs. Meir represents should realize that they bear forever the responsibility for all those refugees.
105. I should like to remind Mrs. Golda Meir and all the representatives to this Assembly of an essential fact to be remembered: that is, that the people of Palestine, whom she so cynically ignores, are the principal party in this dispute, and that their legitimate and sole representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization, which is so recognized by all of the Arab States. It is our considered opinion that so long as the people whom Mrs. Golda Meir represents continue to dismiss the rights of the Palestine people, flouting the relevant resolutions of this Assembly and continuing to propagate a campaign of hatred against the Palestinians and Arabs, then tension will continue in the Middle East. The dialogue she so often advocates is only one of capitulation, and this no Arab will ever accept. The Government for which Mrs. Meir speaks should know that its campaign against the legitimate rights and aspirations of the people of Palestine will never succeed in stifling their deep desire to return to their homeland. This, too, the usurpers must never forget.
106. It is not enough to establish an armistice line or an emergency force. Nor has any positive result been achieved by the Palestine Conciliation Commission. Nor has the help and assistance rendered by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Middle East (UNRAWA) over the last fifteen years added any positive element towards an ultimate solution. A true and lasting solution of the Palestine problem is a real test for our Organization and the conformation of the fundamental principles of right, justice and international law. The State of Kuwait calls for a radical solution that would deal with all the basic aspects of the Palestine question before it is too late.
107. We Arabs consider this problem, very simply stated, as the restitution of the fundamental and legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine to their homeland, independence and national sovereignty. Kuwait supports their efforts towards this goal, as do all the Arab States and the majority of the non-aligned countries. In addition, the Assembly should not lose sight of the fact that the partition resolutions in the case of Palestine are contrary to the principle of self-determination; for it was not the wish of the majority of the people of Palestine that any partition should take place.
108. I should like now to refer to the financial crisis which the United Nations recently faced with regard to peace-keeping operations. This was a most serious development, and the Organization should take definite steps in order to solve the problem once and for all. We therefore express our hope that all Member States, especially the big Powers, will continue to lend their moral and financial support to this end, so that the United Nations may become a stronger and more efficient instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security.
109. We should like to thank the Special Committee on Peace-Keeping Operations for its valuable work and reaffirm our agreement, in principle, with the guidelines proposed in the report of the Secretary-General and the President of the General Assembly. Those guidelines constitute a valuable and constructive basis for further studies and negotiations. However, we should like to stress that the Government of Kuwait firmly believes that the maintenance of peace and security is, according to the Charter, based on the fundamental principles of collective responsibility. The fact that the Charter specifically defines the respective roles of both the Security Council and the General Assembly should on no account undermine this principle, nor should it permit any action which might prevent the Organization from fulfilling promptly and adequately its fundamental duties.
110. During the twenty years of its existence the Organization has had to face and find solutions for many grave crises. The search for such solutions has required a flexible approach, and some adjustments, which we endorse, have had to be made in the interpretation of the Charter, in harmony with its spirit and its obligation to preserve and maintain international peace and security.
111. The setting up of peace-keeping operations is a relatively new concept in international relations. Substantial experience has been gained through the various operations which the Organization has undertaken in this field. We therefore sincerely hope that the lessons learned will always be kept in mind when the Organization, through its two main organs, is called upon to discharge its duties.
112. As for the solution of the recent financial crisis of the Organization, the delegation of Kuwait supports the principle of voluntary contributions and hopes that all Member States will contribute according to their abilities and consciences as soon as possible.
113. It is the belief of my delegation that collective responsibility is as important to the field of disarmament as it is to peace-keeping operations. That is why we welcomed the Soviet Union's request to convene the full membership of the Disarmament Commission.
114. The signing of the Moscow Treaty in 1963 and the agreement not to orbit nuclear weapons in outer space, [resolution 1884 (XVIII)] were good beginnings. The promise of the Moscow test-ban Treaty, however, will not be fulfilled unless we accomplish the following: all underground testing must be stopped; there must be universal ratification by all of the nuclear Powers, whether members of the Organization or not; those regions which desire denuclearization should be encouraged, and appropriate treaties which will be binding on all of the nuclear Powers and their allies should be prepared to protect those regions.
115. In this regard, we support the initiative of those States which have called for an international conference on disarmament to be convened in 1966, and hope that a positive decision to call such a conference will be made during this session. That conference must be open to all States. The peace of the world is too weighty a responsibility for Member States alone, especially because a conflict anywhere in the world, in which one of the nuclear Powers becomes involved, might contain the spark which starts a thermo-nuclear holocaust — one which would respect no boundaries.
116. In addition, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons must also be assured by a treaty which is binding on all of the nuclear Powers, without exception. If this is not accomplished, a heavy economic drain on developing countries would result from their efforts to match the nuclear arms of their potentially aggressive neighbours. This extra economic drain could result in the moral and financial bankruptcy of many countries, driving the weaker States into unhealthy alliances, believed necessary for their security. The final result would be the total collapse of international order as we know it today. The Government of Kuwait, therefore, calls upon all Member States to solve these problems, before it is too late. We need the support of the great Powers, and we appeal to the smaller States, who carry great moral strength, to continue to press the nuclear Powers until satisfactory safeguards and guarantees are received.
117. Let us turn to the field of economic development. The General Assembly called this decade the "United Nations Development Decade". The goal was a yearly 5 per cent increase in the economic output of developing countries, but it is to be regretted that this goal is nowhere near achievement. There is no doubt that, due to their limited assets and savings potential, developing countries require outside capital assistance. Suspicious of bilateral aid, they would welcome having a greater portion on a multilateral basis, through United Nations channels. It is easier for an international agency to insist on certain conditions being met without offending nationalist sensibilities or arousing suspicions.
118. One can also hope for and expect more effective assistance through greater co-ordination of aid programmes within the United Nations bodies and between the United Nations agencies concerned with economic and social problems. That is why the Government of Kuwait looks with favour on the projected merger of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund, whose accomplishments we commend, into a United Nations Development Programme.
119. The specialized agencies also play their part in the field of international economic co-operation and, together with the regional economic commissions, play an important role in the sphere of regional economic development plans. Effective multilateral economic assistance can become a mighty instrument of peace and understanding among all countries.
120. The Conference on Trade and Development recommendation seeking to establish a United Nations Capital Development Fund is another significant project, which we strongly support. While we realize
that voluntary contributions for such a fund would depend mainly on the developed countries, we also sincerely hope that the need for such a fund will be given the careful consideration it deserves to make this project a reality, for it is quite clear that the level of development aid required is at a much higher level than has hitherto been granted to developing countries.
121. The division of the world into the rich North and the poor South cannot be permitted to continue. We should not forget that poverty in the midst of plenty breeds discontent, and discontent breeds insecurity and instability. Nothing could be more detrimental to peace and security than the continuing division of the world into those who have and those who have not. Raising the standards of living in the developing countries, and equalizing them with the developed countries, is one of the greatest challenges facing all of us today. No one should assume that aid is the magic cure for all aspects of development. The principle of fair and equitable trade is just as important, and in many cases it overshadows that of aid.
122. Many of the developing countries are experiencing declining returns for their export products at a time when their required imports of machinery and manufactured goods are costing them more. Some have increased the volume of their exports of primary commodities, but were faced with lower prices for them, and as a result, are getting less for exporting more. These are economic problems with international dimensions, and it is not within the power of developing countries alone to resolve such a state of affairs.
123. By improving and stabilizing the value of ex
ports of developing countries, we are putting greater purchasing power in their hands, which will eventually be returned to the developed countries in the form of purchases of machinery and equipment. Thus, assistance to developing countries carries with it the needs of future benefits for the developed countries themselves. In addition, we should note that the application of science and technology is also of great importance, since it enhances the productivity of land, labour and capital, and the United Nations should organize its application for the benefit of the developing j countries.
124. Kuwait, all praise be to God, was blessed with substantial reserves of petroleum and, since its commercial exploitation, our country has experienced remarkable progress and prosperity. The Government of Kuwait, however, is aware of its responsibility to its neighbours in our region. As a practical interpretation of Kuwait’s desire to assist its neighbours, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development was established in December 1961 with $140 million, and then doubled the following year. Through the Fund we have contributed the necessary capital, at long-term low-interest rates, for many development projects that might not have been started otherwise. We consider the Fund a constructive economic partnership in the field of regional development. I should like point out that the State of Kuwait has committed about 25 per cent of its revenues in the last three years for economic development assistance. Our direct aid toll Arab and other developing countries has exceeded $350 million.
125. We have also contributed one-third of the capital, and participated in the establishment of an Arab-African Bank, which is expected to finance development projects in Africa. We support the bank and are certain that it will make a substantial contribution to Africa's capital needs and development.
126. Since its inception the United Nations has encountered many pitfalls and setbacks, but once again a crisis has been successfully brought under control, and we begin the twentieth session of this Assembly in a spirit of renewed hope and determination. This persistence in surviving, despite the many difficulties, this will to achieve the aims of the Charter, despite all negative factors this sense of potential strength, give us reason to believe that this Organization can and ultimately will succeed in reaching its noble goals. At this twentieth session, let us approach our coming-of-age with wary optimism. To attain a real state of maturity, however, this Organization must pass through a spiritual and moral reawakening which would be the only way to permit it truly to live up to its high ideals.
127. Until now the United Nations would appear to have functioned on an empirical basis, and a spirit of compromise has indeed helped to give some measure of stability towards the maintenance of world peace. But our endeavours towards a solution for so many vital problems have often been superficial and timid, and have only touched upon the apparent symptoms of our troubles. The deep-rooted crises remain unsolved; reason and logic have often had to give way to human failings: pride, vanity and selfishness have been allowed too much influence in our proceedings.
128. Is it not imperative that, at some point soon, we delve to the roots of each vital issue, and conceive of some way to give this Organization the power to arbitrate? To accomplish this, we would need courage and boldness, wisdom and sincerity. I do not believe, Sir, that this would be asking too much from this Assembly.