52. Allow me, at the outset, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your election to the Presidency of the twentieth session of the General Assembly, Italy, which takes special pride in this event, has always been linked to my country with friendship and traditional ties. We both share in the great civilizations and cultures which have flourished in the Mediterranean. Moreover, we are confident that the work and endeavours of the present session of the General Assembly will be brought to success under your wise and able leadership.
53. The delegation of the United Arab Republic also takes this opportunity to thank Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey for the great efforts he exerted throughout the nineteenth session of the General Assembly. We all know the difficulties which faced that session and the extraordinary circumstances which complicated its work. These circumstances required exceptional efforts and talents, and above all, an unshaken faith in this Organization and its Charter. There is no question that Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey has further contributed to the legacy of the United Nations and to its record, rich in men and actions.
54. It is always gratifying to watch the growth of membership of this Organization. We see in this growth a positive mark along the road towards full and universal representation in this Organization. We therefore welcome among us, Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore. We are confident that they will join with the other Members, in the vital task of enabling the United Nations to discharge its essential role.
55. The twentieth session of the General Assembly takes place in critical international circumstances. Armed conflicts are going on, with the potentialities of developing into wider and more general wars. The tendency towards the use of force in international relations is, increasing. And the colonial Powers are persistently resorting to old and new methods in their attempt to suppress the great movement of our age for peoples' liberation.
56. With all these circumstances surrounding the meeting of the General Assembly, the question of universal peace emerges as the most urgent item on the agenda of the twentieth session. In our view, the present deterioration in the world situation emanates from a dangerous trend to use force in international relations. We consider this a grave setback to human progress. It further constitutes a great threat to international peace, in a world where methods of force have reached frightening dimension. Moreover, the use of force invites the further use of force, and leads to a chain of events and conflicts which could ultimately reach a point beyond control. In this respect, the principle of prohibiting the use of force acquires a new significance in our nuclear age, dictated by the realities of the world, and justified by the absolute obligation to safeguard human progress.
57. In view of this, we see in the continuation of the Viet-Namese war, with its constant escalation, a matter which constitutes the gravest development in the present international situation. We believe that the international community has an indispensable responsibility to mobilize all efforts for the realization of peace, so that the Viet-Namese people will be able to live and build their future according to their own free will.
58. The Viet-Namese people have suffered enormously from colonialism. After the Second World War, they launched an admirable and heroic struggle for the liberation of their country. Ever since, they have been engaged in the great task of reconstructing their country and building a new and better life. They have won the admiration of all peoples for their courage and determination. The international community, therefore, cannot tolerate or condone the destruction of their accomplishments and the great losses which are being inflicted upon the Viet-Namese people.
59. We consider that among the most dangerous aspects of the Viet-Namese war are the raids and bombardments carried out by the United States against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. On all occasions we have called for the immediate cessation of these raids. Moreover, we consider that the continuation of the raids and bombardments jeopardizes the possibilities of achieving peace in Viet-Nam. Meanwhile, we call for the absolute compliance with and full implementation of the 1954 Geneva Agreements. This, in our view, is the course to peace in Viet-Nam.
60. It was with a deep sense of sorrow and pain that the United Arab Republic received the news of the armed conflict which has been taking place between India and Pakistan. We are tied to both countries with the strongest relations of the past and the present. We are also conscious of the potential repercussions of such a conflict and the dangers it presents to the solidarity and the common struggle of the peoples of Asia and Africa.
61. It is, therefore, imperative that we exert all our efforts in an attempt to put an end to the state of deterioration and to help in the restoration of peace. We in the United Arab Republic have, from the beginning, supported the positive efforts which the Secretary-General has undertaken. We appreciate these efforts, which laid the groundwork for the steps and decisions adopted by the Security Council during the course of the crisis. I particularly refer to the Security Council resolution 211 (1965) of 20 September last. The acceptance by India and Pakistan to cease fire as requested in this decision, represents in our view a positive trend on the part of the two countries. It indicates that they will both continue to exercise self-restraint and co-operate with the Security Council for the implementation of all the provisions of the Council's decision.
62. In all sincerity, we believe that the implementation and the respect of these provisions will constitute an important step which could pave the way to a peaceful settlement of the dispute between India and Pakistan. We also believe that the Security Council is in a position to assist both parties in reaching peaceful solutions to the sources of their conflict, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
63. While we are gathered here today, it is imperative that we recall recent events and developments in this Organization. The state of inaction, which has recently characterized the work of the international Organization, has demonstrated and proved the great importance and indispensability of the United Nations. It indicated the urgent need to strengthen the Organization's capacity to cope with international events.
64. We consider that present world conditions demand the consolidation and further strengthening of the international Organization, so as to reflect and fulfil the aspirations, and hopes, and the needs of all peoples of the world. These were among the considerations and motives which prompted the United Arab Republic and other non-aligned countries, at the Second Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Cairo in October 1964, to call for an evaluation of the work of the United Nations, with a view to increasing its effectiveness and mobility in the discharge of
its responsibilities with respect to the maintenance of international peace and the promotion of international co-operation.
65. In this connexion, we consider it essential that certain measures be taken. We believe that all Member States have a special responsibility to correct the abnormal situation in this Organization concerning the non-participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United Nations. In our view, all attempts which are being made to perpetuate this situation are in contradiction with the objectives of this Organization and do not serve the interest of international peace. The representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and its main organs is a matter of vital importance. It indeed acquires even greater significance for this Organization if the latter is expected to discharge effectively its role in international relations. In view of this, the delegation of the United Arab Republic considers it imperative that all Member States should contribute to the normalization of this situation, so that the People's Republic of China might occupy its legitimate place in the United Nations.
66. We are aware of the earnest and growing desire of all Member States to strengthen this Organization and enable it to perform its responsibilities fully and effectively. We cannot, however, ignore the fact that some basic differences exist among Member States in this respect. We therefore believe in the usefulness of continuing a dialogue on the ways and means of attaining this objective.
67. Our meeting here today takes place under the shadow of the crisis which prevailed in the work of the Organization until recently, This crisis, as we all recall, emanated from conflicting views on peace-keeping operations, either on the arrears of past operations or on the competence and methods for initiating future operations.
68. In this connexion, I should like to present some observations of the Government of the United Arab Republic; The responsibility for maintaining international peace and security is, by its nature, and according to the Charter, a responsibility of the entire membership of the Organization. Peace, as the right of all nations, is equally the responsibility of all nations. At the same time, we do not question the primary responsibility of the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security. We consider the Security Council, with the wide authority conferred on it by the Charter, to be the organ of the United Nations most competent to cope with situations affecting international peace and security. Nevertheless, we can envisage certain situations in which the Security Council would be unable to discharge its responsibilities. In such situations, it is essential that ways and means be found to secure the continuous operation of the principle of collective security, which is a basic principle of the Charter.
69. While we appreciate all points of view on the question, we consider it vital that the machinery of this Organization be flexible and realistic, so as to ensure the continuity of the principle of collective security as an integral part of the Charter. This requires that we recognize the authority of the General Assembly to take practical measures when the Security Council is unable to act.
70. Meanwhile, it is our opinion that any attempt to legislate in the field of peace-keeping operations must consider the Organization's past experience, with both its positive and negative sides. It is essential, in our view, to lay down an appropriate system of administering and conducting peace-keeping operations — a system which should ensure against a repetition of the grave failures and errors which characterized the Congo operation.
71. The United Arab Republic calls for the mobilization of peace-loving forces to put an end to prevailing tensions and deteriorations in the world. It advocates the consolidation and strengthening of international institutions in the discharge of their tasks of containing sources of conflict and promoting opportunities for peace and international co-operation. This policy is in harmony with the principles of peaceful coexistence, which acquire a new significance in our nuclear age. The principles of peaceful coexistence emanate from the right of all peoples to be free to choose their own political, economic and social systems according to their own national identity and to exercise sovereignty over their territories and natural resources freely and without any interference or pressure from outside.
72. Consequently, it is our view that the principle of non-intervention assumes paramount importance in the present stage of international relations. Recent international events prove that it has become absolutely essential to affirm the principle of non-intervention and to assure absolute respect for it. Accordingly, the item proposed by the Soviet Union and included in the agenda of this session [see A/5977] offers, in our opinion, an opportunity for the General Assembly to undertake a timely and serious effort in this respect. We trust that all Member States will cooperate in this effort, with a view to reaching positive results which would ensure full respect for, and compliance with, the principle of non-intervention.
73. Adherence to the principles of peaceful coexistence make it essential that the forces of peace and freedom shall never tolerate colonialism and foreign domination in any part of the world. Moreover, the principles of peaceful coexistence make it imperative for us all to support the cause of peoples struggling for their national liberation. The elimination of colonialism and foreign domination is, in our view, a prerequisite for reaching a stage of maximum International co-operation in a world of peace based on justice.
74. The colonial countries attempt, through methods of neo-colonialism, to subvert the basis of true and meaningful independence achieved by new States. Colonial countries should give up their policies of intervention, subversion and economic exploitation, which are ultimately bound to fail. They should learn to approach newly independent States with a new understanding, based on equality and genuine cooperation. Parallel to this, we consider that the military bases in foreign countries, maintained by colonial Powers for the purpose of intimidating and threatening the nationalist movements of liberation, constitute a direct menace to international peace and security. Once again we insist on the liquidation of these foreign military bases, and we reject the underlying policies which motivate their presence.
75. The racial policies from which the peoples in Africa and elsewhere have been and still are suffering constitute an integral part of the whole colonial régime, bent on the full exploitation and subjugation of peoples. Thus, we consider the policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa, both in South Africa and South West Africa, as the worst form of political and racial colonialism. We consider that the international community has a special responsibility to force the Government of South Africa to surrender to the African people in South Africa their inalienable and sacred rights. In this connexion, we maintain that the countries which have not yet implemented the various resolutions of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity concerning a boycott of South Africa should immediately comply with and implement these resolutions, For, through their transactions and co-operation, these countries are, in fact, enabling the Government of South Africa to pursue its colonial and racial policies against the struggling people of South Africa.
76. The combined forces of racism and colonialism committed in Palestine an aggression unprecedented in human history. Israel is the symbol and product of the ultimate form of aggression committed by these forces. Foreigners, armed and trained by international Zionism, with the active aid of British colonialism, occupied Palestine and forced its people across the borders. Thus, the world witnessed the greatest robbery in history: the homeland of the people of Palestine. The Israel occupation stands today as a manifestation of the most brutal and flagrant act of aggression ever committed by the joint forces of colonialism and racism.
77. These are the realities of Israel's aggression in Palestine, realities which have been veiled by the propaganda machine of Zionism and colonialism. But freedom-loving peoples all over the world are gradually becoming aware of the aggressive nature of the Israeli occupation. We are confident that those who are still prisoners of Zionist propaganda will soon come to realize the magnitude of the aggression planned and executed against the Arab people of Palestine.
78. At this juncture, we consider it imperative that this Organization should recall its grave responsibilities to the people of Palestine. I know of no other question in the United Nations in which the Organization has a greater responsibility; for I know of no other question in which the United Nations, and the League of Nations before it, has been used as an instrument to carry out such a colonial and racial plan of aggression. The questions related to Palestine in this Organization should, therefore, be approached and comprehended in that perspective. It should also be clear to all that the right of the people of Palestine to belong and return to Palestine is a right as legitimate as that of all other peoples to their homeland.
79. The struggle of the Arab people of Palestine to recover their sacred rights is a struggle for the most honourable and noble human objective. We in the United Arab Republic are therefore encouraged by the steps which have recently been taken by the Arab people of Palestine to organize and co-ordinate their efforts within the framework of the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine. In this connexion we are confident that the representatives of Palestine will be afforded a fair opportunity to address Member States on their cause.
80. The United Nations faces today a serious challenge as a result of the military and oppressive measures which the United Kingdom has recently been enforcing against the people of Aden and the Protectorates. The British authorities in Aden are imposing a rule of martial law, launching a campaign of terror, and daily engaging in a constant violation of all the civil rights of the people of Aden. Such a state of affairs belongs to the darkest days of colonialism. The United Kingdom has been dispatching its battleships and its military aircraft and reinforcing its military base in Aden, all in a desperate attempt to force the people of Aden to submit to its colonial policy. The recent military and repressive actions of the British Government are not only a further aggression against the people of Aden, but they also constitute a deliberate affront to this Organization and its efforts.
81. The recently intensified policy of repression followed by the United Kingdom takes place simultaneously with the opening of the twentieth session of the General Assembly and the release of the report of the Committee of Twenty-Four on the question of Aden [A/6000/Rev.1, Chap. VI], All delegations represented here are familiar with the repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and the Committee of Twenty-Four on the question of Aden. In these resolutions the United Kingdom has consistently been called upon by the Organization to abandon its colonial policy and allow the people of Aden to practise their inalienable right of self-determination. These resolutions, furthermore, have repeatedly called upon the United Kingdom to cease its military operations against the people of Aden and the Protectorates; to abolish the state of emergency; to repeal all laws restricting public freedoms; to cease forthwith all repressive actions, release all political detainees, and allow the exiled nationals to return to the territory. Equally, these resolutions have considered the presence of the military base in Aden as a threat to peace and security in the region. Furthermore, the last report of the Committee of Twenty-Four expressed its considered belief that the action called for in these resolutions "constitutes the absolute minimum that is required and that nothing short of its strict implementation can be accepted" [ibid., annex II, para. 73], Yet, the United Kingdom has chosen to resort to a policy of force which violates all these resolutions.
82. In an attempt to justify their recent oppressive measures, the British authorities advance a familiar pretext. British spokesmen justify their aggressive actions with the claim that they were compelled to take these measures in the face of the so-called acts of terror committed by the nationalists in Aden. This is a language which falls into the familiar colonial pattern of attributing- terrorism to the national liberation movements which struggle to liberate their countries from colonialism and foreign domination.
83. But we all know that the real terror in Aden started with British occupation of the territory, that it has remained as long as Britain has occupied Aden, and that it will remain until the final liberation of Aden and the Protectorates from the forces of colonialism. The real terrorism in Aden lies in the British aggression against the people of Aden and the Protectorates. This aggression is systematically committed by the British armed forces which are engaged in military operations and in bombarding the peaceful citizens of the territory, forcing tens of thousands of refugees into neighbouring Yemen. The British military base stands both as a symbol and as an instrument of British policy of aggression and terror in the area,
84. In view of this, the delegation of the United Arab Republic calls upon this Organization, with its various organs, to face the dangerous challenge presented by the United Kingdom and to initiate measures which would compel the United Kingdom to put an end to its present colonial and aggressive policy.
85. I should now like to refer to another part of the Arabian Peninsula. The people of Oman, whose problem is on the agenda of the twentieth session, are still subjected to colonial policies and foreign intervention. The Ad Hoc Committee on Oman has submitted its report, which brings the Omani question to a new stage in the United Nations. Despite the fact that the United Kingdom did not allow the Ad Hoc Committee to visit Oman, the conclusions and findings presented in the Committee's report shed an important light on the nature of the Oman question. The Committee ascertained the colonial character of the question and the flagrant armed intervention committed by the United Kingdom in the affairs of the people of Oman.
86. It is evident from the report of the Ad Hoc Committee that the people of Oman are unanimous in their demand for the withdrawal of British forces, so that they may be able to exercise their right to self-determination without any foreign interference. In view of this report, the delegation of the United Arab Republic considers it imperative that the General Assembly, at its present session, should move ahead and take appropriate steps to bring the Oman question within the framework of the machinery and institutions of decolonization.
87. The report of the Committee on Oman has also revealed the traditional colonial methods practised by the United Kingdom in the Arabian Peninsula. In the Arab Gulf, the United Kingdom still resorts to colonial methods designed to perpetuate conditions which are unjust and alien to the spirit of our time. These methods are also in contradiction of the international order envisaged by the United Nations Charter and other fundamental international conventions which affirm the right of all peoples to self-determination and sovereignty over their territories and natural resources. We maintain that British policy in the Arab Gulf should no longer be permitted to continue, no matter how much the United Kingdom employs quasi-legal or illegal and unequal agreements imposed by force. The efforts of the United Nations still have to be extended to cope with colonialism in that part of the world.
88. Africa, whose peoples have suffered at one time or another from colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, today is still subjected in great part to the ruthless policies of colonialism and racism.
89. In Southern Rhodesia, the colonial authorities continue their aggressive policies against the native African population. The nationalist leaders are constantly subjected to the most oppressive measures. Their lives and liberties are continuously threatened with grave hazards and unlimited atrocities. Despite the change in attitude which has lately marked the policy of the United Kingdom, we still consider that the United Kingdom Government is responsible for the conditions in the territory and, consequently, is called upon to implement the various and repeated resolutions of the United Nations. Meanwhile, we have no doubt that the honourable struggle of the people of Southern Rhodesia will inevitably overcome the policies of colonialism, racism and aggression and will attain for the people of Southern Rhodesia freedom, dignity and equality in their own land.
90. In other place sin Africa — in Angola, Mozambique and in the so-called Portuguese Guinea — the Government of Portugal is still pursuing its colonial policy which has alienated it from peace-loving forces in the international community. We have absolute faith in the inevitable victory of the African peoples struggling against Portuguese colonialism; they will regain their independence, recover their freedom and ultimately join their brothers in the rest of the continent in the great task of building a free and progressive Africa.
91. It is imperative, in this connexion, to point out the role of those Powers which, through military and political alliances or for economic interests, acquiesce in the colonial and racial policies practised in South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese Territories, Those Powers bear a special responsibility for subverting the efforts and not complying with the numerous resolutions of this Organization and the Organization of African Unity, designed to force the Governments and authorities in South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese Territories to surrender to the will of the African peoples in those territories.
92. Today millions of people all over the globe stand absolutely determined to spare mankind the recurrence of a general war; for they are fully aware of the destruction beyond calculation potentially inherent in such a war. That determination forms the strongest guarantee for peace.
93. The arms race continues, and with it the hazards and dangers increase. The efforts exerted by the United Nations in this respect since 1946 have been with little value. This prompts us all the more to call for further efforts towards the goal of general and complete disarmament and with it the achievement of a more secure and better life.
94. Recent debates on disarmament have demonstrated the great necessity of concluding an international treaty to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons. This justifies the concern initially expressed by the African Summit Conference, held in Cairo in July 1964, and later by the Conference of Non-Aligned Nations. We can no longer be indifferent to the fact that the world is in a desperate race with time in this respect. The question of concluding a treaty for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, consequently, acquires an urgency which justifies its immediate consideration.
95. A treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should, in our opinion, be based on a balanced equilibrium between the obligations of nuclear States and the obligations of non-nuclear States. It should not be merely a commitment on the part of the nonnuclear States, with no corresponding commitment of equal importance on the part of the nuclear States. Meanwhile the treaty must ensure that nuclear weapons will not reach the hands of any non-nuclear State in any form or by any means. Furthermore, we consider it essential that such a treaty should provide effective guarantees for its full implementation and against any violations of its provisions. We consider that the conclusion of such a treaty is of great importance, not only because the question of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons requires urgent and appropriate measures, but also because it would constitute an important step towards the goal of total prohibition and destruction of all nuclear weapons.
96. As for the question of nuclear tests, the United Arab Republic believes that we have reached the point where appropriate measures should be undertaken in regard to the cessation of underground nuclear tests, The neutral countries in the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Conference in Geneva exerted considerable efforts with a view to reaching an agreed common basis. In this respect, I should like to refer to the suggestions submitted to the Conference at its 224th meeting on 17 August last by the delegation of the United Arab Republic, We trust that those suggestions will receive due consideration during this session; for we believe that without the cessation of underground nuclear tests the Moscow Treaty will remain an unfinished endeavour.
97. The question of general and complete disarmament remains the paramount objective for the international community. This fact justifies all the efforts which are being employed in this respect, The United Arab Republic, therefore, strongly supports the convening of an international conference on disarmament in which all countries will participate. We attach great importance to the convening of such a conference, and we trust that all countries will participate in it. We further hope that every opportunity will be provided for its success.
98. The delegation of the United Arab Republic considers that the present session of the General Assembly possesses great opportunities for achieving positive steps in the field of disarmament, Moreover, this session has the responsibility of formulating fresh directives to the Eighteen-Nation Conference in the field of general and complete disarmament, as well as undertaking appropriate measures with regard to the question of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and cessation of underground nuclear tests; thus bringing the efforts of the last few years to more tangible results.
99. The unity of our world is a living fact which is increasingly making an evident impact in all fields, on the State level as well as the individual level, In such a world, where distance is disappearing and the unity of fate is an established fact, the concept of international peace and security and the concept of the individual's welfare from a single reality. This reality necessitates the creation of just economic relations among States, so as to enable the peoples of the developing countries to accomplish in years what they have missed over the centuries. The fulfilment of that objective requires further mobilization of unilateral as well as collective efforts, with a view to affording the individual in the developing countries a decent and reasonable standard of living.
100. It must be borne in mind by the developed countries that the task of accelerated development in the developing countries would ultimately be in the mutual interest of both the developing and the developed countries.
101. The developed countries have the urgent responsibility of allowing an increased flow of financial resources to developing countries. In that connexion it is relevant to refer to some sobering figures which appeared in the last report of the international Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The report states that 12 per cent of the total export earnings of the developed countries has been devoted to the servicing of their debts, In some countries the percentage has reached one-fourth of their total export earnings. It is our belief that these figures call for a review and exploration for radical solutions, with a view to allowing the developing countries to proceed with their great task of development in reasonable and favourable conditions.
102. On the other hand, the developing countries are urgently entitled to equitable, just and accessible markets for their products, raw and manufactures, in the developed countries, Moreover, we recognize the pressing necessity for the developing countries to cope with the population problem and improve their methods of exploiting and benefiting from their natural resources. In all those fields, the economic international organization has an essential role to play in the mobilization and co-ordination of efforts to render meaningful assistance to the developing countries.
103. It is relevant in this connexion to refer to the first two sessions held by the Trade and Development Board in the course of this year. The United Arab Republic is following the activities of the Board with a deep sense of expectation, justified by the positive results which emerged last year from the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. We do believe, however, that further steps of great impact to the developing countries remain to be initiated and pursued by the Board, so that the resolutions of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development may be fully realized.
104. Man’s struggle to attain a better standard of living in a secure and peaceful world remains today, as it has always been, his paramount objective. Today, both the promises and the dangers have never been greater. We look around us and realize that so much is at stake; equally, so much is promised. Our generation is credited with the attempt to channel the energies and cope with the differences of man, and to do both within a universal framework of collective action. It is our challenge to make that experiment a success. We are optimistic, for we know that the forces of human survival and progress are inherently stronger than the forces of destruction and reaction.
105. The present session of the General Assembly has the opportunity to make itself an important landmark along the road of man's collective efforts to achieve a better world.