1. I should like to associate myself with my colleagues who have preceded me to this rostrum and extend to you, Mr. President, the sincere congratulations of my delegation and of the Government and people of Sierra Leone on your election to the high office of President of this twentieth session of the General Assembly.
2. The overwhelming way in which your election has been acclaimed is eloquent testimony to your stature as an international statesman and reflects singular credit on the country which you have served so well and which you now so eminently represent.
3. It is perhaps fitting that, so soon after our Organization has emerged from a crisis that almost threatened its existence, and at this time when we are all engaged in the search for a solid foundation on which to base its essential peace-keeping function, the Organization should turn for leadership and inspiration to a country that has a long-famed history in Jurisprudence and constitutional matters. We opine that, In your direction of the affairs of this Assembly, there will no doubt be manifested the tradition of legal rectitude and orderliness that has long characterized your great country, Italy; and we therefore embark on this twentieth session with great confidence.
4. That confidence has been further strengthened by the inspiring address of His Holiness Pope Paul VI to this Assembly on Monday, 4 October [1347th meeting]. My delegation wishes to place on record its profound appreciation and gratitude for the unprecedented initiative of His Holiness in bringing to this Assembly, in its hour of need and crisis, a message of peace that is bound to find a warm response in the minds of all who cherish and strive for the brotherhood of man.
5. Our optimism concerning the current session throws into sharp relief the gloom of the last, over which it was the unenviable lot of one of our colleagues to preside. We owe a debt of gratitude, Mr. President, to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey, the Foreign Minister of Ghana, for his responsible statesmanship and skill during a most critical period in the history of our Organization.
6. Before directing my attention to the many burning problems which confront us at this session, I take this opportunity to extend a cordial and fraternal welcome to the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore, the three newest Members of this growing body of sovereign nations. It is, of course, a source of gratification to my delegation that the Afro-Asian fraternity has been enlarged by the emergence of these three States to full independent nationhood. It is with special pleasure that we welcome the Gambia, a country with which we have shared a long and interwoven history.
7. As I have already said, our last session was pervaded by an atmosphere of gloom, which, happily, has now been dispelled. In this connexion my delegation would like to record its satisfaction with the progress so far made by the Special Committee on Peace-Keeping Operations. We should also like to record our profound gratitude to our eminent and able Secretary-General, U Thant, as well as to our outgoing President, Alex Quaison-Sackey, for their untiring efforts in guiding us through a most difficult situation.
8. While recognizing the invaluable efforts of the Committee, to which my country is proud to have contributed, we cannot but observe that the Committee should be allowed to continue its good work and be able to produce a universally acceptable formula for peace-keeping. In the view of my delegation, the United Nations, in spite of its imperfections and limitations, is still our greatest hope for the maintenance of international peace and security. To that end, therefore, my delegation welcomes the inclusion in the agenda of items on peace-keeping, and hopes to put forward detailed views when the matter is discussed in Committee.
9. While welcoming with profound pleasure the three new Members of this Organization, we are reminded, in grim contrast, of the many millions who are still liberated from the bonds of colonialism and imperialism. In that context, my delegation considers it a regrettable fact that in spite of the terms of resolution 1514 (XV), calling on Members of this Organization to accelerate the process of decolonization, many millions are still suffering under the yoke of colonialism. It is now nearly five years since that resolution was adopted, on 14 December 1960: yet, in spite of the persistent efforts of the Committee of Twenty-Tour, of which Sierra Leone is a member, the colonial Powers have consistently affronted world opinion and, by evasive manoeuvres, have succeeded in frustrating the legitimate aspirations of millions of suffering human beings.
10. The most flagrant example of these outstanding problems is that of Rhodesia, where racial considerations are dictating the course of history and a racist minority continues to defy the just demands of the entire continent, and indeed of all who value the dignity of man. What is more alarming, this minority is defying, with apparent success, the Government of the United Kingdom whose experience in colonial matters can hardly be matched in modern times. We welcome the assurances given by the United Kingdom Government that a unilateral declaration of independence by the Rhodesia minority Government will be tantamount to an act of rebellion, which would be met by certain consequences, including the application of economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the Rhodesia Government has carried its defiance to the extent of attempting to establish independent diplomatic representation in Lisbon. My Government is watching with keen interest the outcome of that development. It is a matter of the gravest concern to my Government that the Rhodesia Government is now actively engaged In talks in London to secure investment loans, Intended no doubt to neutralize the effect of an economic boycott in the event of a unilateral declaration of independence. Those manoeuvres have unhappily created the impression not only that the United Kingdom Government is not doing enough to prevent a unilateral declaration of independence, but also that it is encouraging, actively or covertly, a situation which will transform the southern part of Africa into an unholy trilogy of racial segregation, racial domination and racial exploitation.
11. We are constrained by the persistent failure of the administering Power to demand once more from this rostrum that the dictates of justice be applied to the Rhodesian situation. The Iniquitous 1961 constitution, condemned by all champions of justice, should be abrogated immediately and a new constitution formulated after consultation with all the political elements in the territory. In this regard, we insist that the undisputed leaders of the African majority — Joshua Nkomo, Ndabaningi Sithole and others — now deprived of their liberty and under restriction, be released immediately to take a full part in any such discussions. We hereby renew our demand for elections on the basis of universal adult suffrage, with the granting of independence to the territory immediately thereafter. Until these just demands are met, we cannot but point an accusing finger at the administering Power, the British Government, for complicity in a ghastly crime against humanity, which history will undoubtedly record.
12. It is our solemn duty to draw the attention of this Assembly to the grave and imminent danger of a unilateral declaration of independence by Ian Smith, and we appeal to all who cherish justice and human freedom to exert themselves to the utmost to discourage such a crime. My Government, for its own part, will not recognize such a minority government founded on rebellion. We shall vigorously oppose its admission to the United Nations, the Commonwealth and all other international organizations. We shall impose economic sanctions against it, we shall recognize an indigenous nationalist government in exile, and we shall take such other measures considered appropriate, after consultation with all other member States of the Organization of African Unity and all other States which respect justice and the essential dignity of man.
13. My delegation is also seriously concerned about the Aden situation, where emergency regulations have become a useful expedient for orderly government. In the tense situation which pervades the territory, perhaps the administering Power might well consider allowing the Committee of Twenty-Four to visit the territory and exert its influence for peaceful decolonization. It is significant that the leaders in Adan have repeatedly stated that a solution to their problem could be found along the lines of the recommendations of the United Nations through the Committee of Twenty-Four. The administering Power is urged to respect the principle of universal adult suffrage, apply it in the territory, and bring about an early and orderly transition to independence. One can hardly resist the temptation to contrast the action of the British Government in this territory with its attitude in Rhodesia. Whereas in this case the British Government has seen fit to resort to military action, in the case of Rhodesia, even when the British Government has been flagrantly defied, it has not only failed to take the necessary steps to prevent what now amounts to rebellion, but as I have already pointed out, appears to be actively or covertly assisting the minority Government to carry out its nefarious purposes.
14. Another area of great concern to us is the continued maintenance of colonial territories by Portugal under the rather transparent guise that these territories form an integral part of metropolitan Portugal and are not, in fact, colonies. This argument is spurious and has never been accepted, nor is it ever likely to be. The war in Angola and Mozambique and the so-called "Portuguese Guinea" continues with increasing intensity, and it is obvious that Portugal is now committed to a racist, colonial war — a war of liquidation amounting to genocide.
15. The report of the Committee of Twenty-Four on the territories under Portuguese administration [A/6000/Rev.1, chap. V] depicts a gloomy picture of increasing military activity, atrocities and an aggravated refugee problem. My delegation condemns in the strongest terms the military domination of a colonized people; and hopes that the Organization will put into effect against Portugal appropriate measures to ensure the proper discharge of her duties as an administering Power.
16. Also of grave importance to my delegation is the South West Africa question. As a political question, it has long occupied the attention and resources of the African States, on whose behalf Liberia and Ethiopia have presented a case at the International Court of Justice. We are pleased to note that the conduct of the case is far advanced and we patiently await the decision of the Court.
17. Meanwhile, a ghastly picture of maladministration and exploitation constitutes the colonial aspect of the problem. According to the report on the "Implications of the activities of the mining industry and other international companies having interests in South West Africa" adopted by the Committee of Twenty-Four on 19 November last year, the economy of the territory is dominated by foreign interests, operating under concessions whereby the natural and human resources of the territory are shamelessly exploited for the sole benefit of these companies. Such a situation is immoral and should be promptly rectified.
18. By putting into practice the recommendations of the report of the Odendaal Commission and dismembering the territory into "homelands", the South African Government has found breeding ground for its hateful policy of apartheid. The conduct of affairs in South West Africa is consistent with the monstrous and inhuman policy of apartheid for which South Africa is now notorious within its own borders. The continued restrictions arrests and intensified repression of the opponents of apartheid, the numerous trials and harsh sentences, the ill-treatment and brutal torture of political prisoners, and, above all, the continued imposition of death sentences and executions for opposition to this inhuman policy — all these combine to make the South African situation an explosive and dangerous one and a scandal to civilization, and it must command the early attention of the Security Council.
19. We know that, in voicing our righteous indignation over the South African situation, we have the sympathy of many. What we need in this universal cause is the sympathy and active support of all. This, up to now, has not been forthcoming from all those who profess a love for freedom and justice. By its continuing economic links with some of the major Powers, South Africa has been all the more able to strengthen its economic and military machine with which the defenceless non-white millions are being ruthlessly exploited and oppressed. In spite of repeated appeals for economic sanctions to bring the Verwoerd régime to its senses, if not to its knees, there has been no substantial reduction in the economic ties between South Africa and some of her friends. Even restrictions on the sale of arms and munitions have little meaning when South Africa is given such assistance as to enable that Government to produce its own arms, so that it no longer has any need for future imports. My delegation here renews its call to all lovers of freedom and human dignity to join in a concerted effort that will finally and for all time remove from the human community the shameful scourge of racism.
20. In Asia, the stubborn conflict in Viet-Nam continues with a rising toll of man and resources, a sad reminder of the failure of nations to solve their problems by peaceful means. My Government has always believed in the principles of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States, of respect for territorial integrity, and of self-determination. We sincerely hope that these principles will be applied responsibly to the Viet-Nam situation, We believe that it is not enough to pay lip-service to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, but that all nations, great and small, should at all times and in all places apply them without fear of favour.
21. In more recent weeks, an equally agonizing conflict has erupted on the Indian sub-continent between two of our Afro-Asian friends. My delegation solemnly urges these two brotherly States, in the spirit of Afro-Asian accommodation, to respect the ceasefire appeal made by the Security Council and apply their minds to a non-military settlement of the dispute. For, as has been pointed out by our able Secretary-General, U Thant, whose efforts in this crisis my delegation hereby gratefully acknowledges, the problem is a political one, and we feel that it is only in that context that a lasting solution can be found.
22. Concerned as we may be with specific issues, our quest for peace must inevitably be universal. My delegation therefore ventures to suggest that our task will never be complete until our Organization assumes a truly universal character. My delegation stands convinced of the right of the People's Republic of China to take its place in the General Assembly. We hereby reiterate that it is hardly reasonable to exclude, from a world Organization which discusses the most urgent problems of peace and war, a nation of over 700 million people. It is even more unreasonable to expect our discussions on disarmament to .be effective or meaningful if we should exclude from the conference table one of the nuclear Powers. My Government will therefore continue to support the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations.
23. My delegation notes with satisfaction that during the first half of the United Nations Development Decade our Organization has been studying ways and means of improving the economies of the developing countries of the world. Nevertheless, during the first half of this Decade, our export prices have been on the decline, our economic plans have remained unfilled and the rate of growth of our gross domestic product, which was never fast, is in great danger of slowing down to a standstill. The technical assistance schemes which have been formulated for the study of the problem are numerous and praiseworthy; but much as the studies of these problems are praiseworthy, my delegation firmly believes that the time has now come for positive action more likely to lead to the eradication of the retarding causes leading to our economic stagnation.
24. One definite course of action which has been pursued has been the establishment of the Conference on Trade and Development as one of the regular organs of the United Nations. It is the hope of my delegation that all Member States will co-operate in making the new institution a success. For this to happen, certain myths should be dispelled and new attitudes developed. It has, for instance, so far been the principle that it is the primary responsibility of the governments of the developing countries to take appropriate measures to accelerate the growth of their economies. It cannot be denied, that, during the past five years, we in the developing countries have been taking every possible measures to improve our economic and living standards and that we have not succeeded. The reason for our failure is obvious — we cannot entirely by our own efforts achieve our objectives, and it is now time it was realized that the international community must be organized in a spirit of co-operation and understanding if the outstanding economic problems of this age are to be solved.
25. The year 1965 is International Co-operation Year, and that co-operation must be shown not only in the political but also in the economic sphere. At this stage of international affairs, when men are beginning to appreciate the need for constructive co-operation, every opportunity should be seized by nations to collaborate in the economic field to improve the general well-being. That is why my delegation welcomes the proposal to transform the Special Fund into a Capital Development Fund and to merge it with the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance into a new United Nations Development Programme.
26. My delegation therefore looks forward to more fruitful international co-operation in the finest traditions of those principles enshrined in the Charter to the lasting benefit of humanity.