89. The delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia is today confronted with a choice. It can either join in the chorus of delegations who express more or less full approval of the way in which the United Nations is functioning and applaud the role of the United Nations in international affairs, or it can express freely and unequivocally the point of view of non-aligned Cambodia in regard to our Organization's shortcomings and mistakes. 90. We ourselves think that self-criticism, if it is constructive, is always preferable to self-satisfaction. It seems to us extremely dangerous to bury our heads in the sand like the ostrich and to refuse to look the facts in the face, however unpleasant they may be. 91. These facts are now too serious for us and for many of the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to allow us to go on denying or disguising them much longer. We must observe with sorrow that the United Nations no longer fulfils the tremendous hopes which we had placed in it. We must admit that our confidence in its effectiveness in helping to solve the most serious problems has been seriously undermined during the past two years. 92. For the past several years, at each session of the General Assembly, the Cambodian delegation has raised the question of the restoration of the full rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. The absurdity of the presence of the Taiwan delegation, supposedly representing the Chinese people, no longer has to be demonstrated, for there is not a country in the world which is not inwardly convinced of it by now. Nevertheless, the United States to this day refuses to recognize the truth about China and makes its allies and the countries under its control do likewise. 93. Yet it has been demonstrated that none of the great problems of the world can be solved without the participation of China. There is no longer any international conference on any subject whatever at which this fact does not become glaringly evident. 94. In recent years Prince Norodom Sihanouk, our Head of State, has often called the attention of international opinion to the dangers which the unjustified ostracism of China represents for our Organization. The first principle which was to ensure the future of the United Nations was indeed that of universality. How can people still speak of universality today when 700 million Chinese, together with tens of millions of Germans, Koreans and Viet-Namese, are unable to make their voices heard? 95. We know that the United States, both directly and through intermediaries, proclaims that China is an aggressive Power which threatens world peace. We should be glad, however, to see such accusations supported by concrete facts. United States troops are today entrenched in every corner of the globe — in Viet-Nam, in South Korea, in Thailand, in Japan, in Latin America and so forth. Are there any Chinese military bases on the American continent? Is there even a single Chinese soldier outside the territory of China? Who is really threatening the independence of other countries and world peace? 96. China is not and never has been, throughout its long history, a conquering Power. Its only desire is to live in peace and to continue to build up its country as it wishes, but it is perfectly legitimate that China should ask to be recognized as a country playing a full part at the international level and that it should oppose the specific threats to its sovereignty. Cambodia, like all free countries, has always taken this attitude. 97. The Cambodian delegation wishes to point out once again that the United Nations needs China more than China needs the United Nations for survival. It seems to us quite certain that, if this year China is again unable to recover its seat in our Organization, the United Nations will sink a little further into the indifference with which it is already regarded by a large number of Afro-Asian peoples. 98. A further cause for anxiety is the inability of the United Nations to restore peace wherever peace has been disrupted. At this very moment our South-East Asia is experiencing a war which was not of its own choosing. In Viet-Nam there are constant raids by United States bombers and the civilian population is being systematically murdered. Western observers themselves acknowledge that the Viet-Namese people are victims of a determined effort to exterminate them. 99. Admittedly, the United Nations is unable to intervene as a mediator in the Viet-Namese affair, which was settled by the Geneva Agreements of 1964. Here again we see how the exclusion of China and the two Viet-Nams deprived our Organization of any chance of being able to play a positive role in this matter. Nevertheless, we fail to understand the passive attitude of the United Nations in the face of open aggression against an independent country, even if it is not a Member of the United Nations. 100. For months the United States Air Force has been carrying out daily bombing attacks on the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and striking indiscriminately at civilian and military objectives, creating a situation of de facto war. Is not this a violation of the United Nations Charter? Today United States troops in South Viet-Nam are fighting against the popular forces of that country in order to keep in power a Government which has forfeited all trust and support. Does the United Nations recognize the right of any Power whatsoever to impose on a nation a tyrannical rule from which that nation wishes to free itself? Looking beyond the question of Viet-Nam, it is the principle of the national independence of small countries which is a stake. 101. If the United Nations remains indifferent to the United States military intervention in Viet-Nam, it is certain that other great Powers will see in that a justification for similar enterprises against other countries. Such a state of affairs would spell the abandonment of all the foundations of international law and of the principles on which our Organization is founded. 102. Cambodia is directly threatened by this policy of brute force which seeks to justify itself by the crudest lies. For many months now the United States and South Viet-Namese land and air forces have been violating our frontiers day after day and opening fire on our peaceful villages. At the same time Thailand's raids on Cambodian territory are increasing. We are witnessing a campaign aimed at persuading international opinion that a division of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam is stationed in the heart of one of our provinces. What can be more absurd the charge levelled by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Thailand that Cambodia is training 27,000 Chinese guerrillas! 103. The Cambodian delegation wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly to these charges, which are preparing public opinion for bombing attacks on our country by the United States Air Force. Furthermore, threats to bomb us are being made more and more openly by ruling circles in Bangkok and Saigon. 104. I wish to point out that the International Commission for Supervision and Control, foreign military attaches including Western ones, and even journalists have been able to travel about freely in the regions where this North Viet-Namese division is said to be stationed. These observers have been able to see for themselves the absurdity of the United States, Thai and South Viet-Namese charges. Nevertheless, it seems that the United States and its accomplices are determined to maintain this false pretext for launching a large-scale attack on Cambodia. 105. We know, unfortunately, that if that should happen the United Nations would be quite powerless to preserve our peace and independence. We are convinced that the proverb "might is right" is still valid and that Cambodia can rely only on itself, and on the support of a very few countries when it solemnly warns the great Powers that the Cambodian people will defend their freedom, regardless of the consequences for world peace, by every means available to them or which may he made available to them. Our aggressors will bear the full responsibility before history. 106. To revert to the question of Viet-Nam, I should like to point out that the arguments advanced by the United States to explain its aggression are inadmissible. The United States authorities have no hesitation in stating that Viet-Nam is being attacked by Viet-Namese and that those Viet-Namese must negotiate their independence with the United States. On the other hand, they claim that their expeditionary force is in South Viet-Nam to protect the people of South Viet-Nam, who for their part, with the exception of a few generals, are unanimous in their demand for the withdrawal of the United States forces, which have brought them nothing but mourning and ruin. 107. The Cambodian delegation therefore hopes that there are Powers or countries in the Assembly which will ensure that the question of United States intervention in South-East Asia and of the right of the peoples of Indo-China to settle their problems without interference from any Power or organization is placed on the agenda. 108. I should now like to refer to one of the problems which the Assembly has never thought it expedient to debate in detail, although it is one of the most important of our time: I am referring to racism and its manifestations, which become more violent and more of a threat to the future of mankind every year. 109. The cold war between the two ideological blocs seems to be on the way to extinction and the barrier between capitalist and communist countries is no longer the iron curtain of former days. It is with concern, however, that we see evidence of a growing division between over-developed white Powers and "coloured" countries emerging from under-development. The segregation, which was not desired by us, will have tragic consequences unless precautions are taken against it. 110. There is not doubt, for instance — one needs only to read the United States Press every day to be convinced of it — that, for the West, Asian lives, our lives, are far from having the same importance as the lives of white citizens, especially if they are Americans, We can assert without fear of contradiction that the United States Air Force would never dare to exterminate a Western people by bombs, napalm and chemical weapons — and with no declaration of war — as it is now doing in Indo-China. It is obvious that any country waging a merciless war on a white people would at once be pilloried by international public opinion and by this Assembly, and would then be warned, on pain of sanctions, to abandon its aggression. 111. I also ask representatives to imagine an Asian or African nation giving a white minority the treatment which the United States metes out to its 20 million Blacks. The West would certainly not tolerate it and, similarly, the recent events in Los Angeles, had they occurred in a "coloured" country, would certainly have led to immediate intervention by the Marines. 112. Such racism is a disgrace to a country or a society. Our Head Of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, expressed the feelings of the Cambodian people on this matter when he asked, some months ago, whether the United States could retain the privilege of having the Headquarters of the United Nations in its territory. Is it in keeping with the dignity of the Afro-Asian peoples to send their representatives to meetings in a country which adopts, towards its black citizens and towards all "coloured" people, an attitude which conflicts with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights? 113. We, for our part, would like to have the Headquarters of the United Nations transferred to a country which practises no racial or political discrimination — to Switzerland, for example. 114. May I, in conclusion, clearly define the position of Cambodia as regards the United Nations. We are deeply disappointed that the Organization, which was "our only refuge, our only comfort", has become a tool in the hands of a few great Powers and finds itself powerless to provide minimum security for small countries such as ours. Moreover, we cannot fail to note that the Charter is now a completely forgotten document and that the independence and peace of a country are no longer founded on a sacred right but on the good will of a few great Powers. 115. Nevertheless, Cambodia does not intend to withdraw from the United Nations, because it still hopes that, in the end, wisdom will prevail and will restore its full meaning to the Organization. We are, however, aware of our impotence in the face of present trends. Having stated our point of view, we shall therefore simply attend the Assembly, but we shall not take part in the work of the Committees or accept any honorary positions which might be offered to us. 116. I now wish, Mr. President, to repeat, on behalf of my delegation, our sincere congratulations on your election to the office of President of the General Assembly. Your personal gifts and eminent statesmanship will ensure the smooth progress of our work and we wish you every success in the fulfilment of your task.