66. Mr. President, coming to the Assembly from Jerusalem, it gives me particular pleasure to join in the congratulations which have been extended to you on your election to the Presidency of our Assembly. For you have come to this high office from Rome, a city whose influence on the shaping of world civilization has since early times been of the greatest significance. Rome and Jerusalem are not merely names of old cities. They represent some of the most ancient concepts in human history. Our cities have known strife and struggle. But we are privileged to see their revival in freedom and dignity, with friendship and co-operation between them.
67. Mr. President, we are fortunate that this Assembly will be led by one whose ability and wisdom are so outstanding, and who has played so notable a part in renewing the stature of his own country.
68. I would also associate myself with the tribute paid to your predecessor in the Chair, the Foreign Minister of Ghana, Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey. His dynamic, resourceful and cheerful leadership helped our Organization to emerge unharmed from the dangers to its survival, which we all hope will not recur.
69. On Monday, we were stirred by the profound spiritual message of peace and goodwill delivered in this chamber by His Holiness the Pope. It was for us a moment laden with history when His Holiness trod upon the soil of Israel last year, in the course of his pilgrimage to the Holy Land. We hope that his appearance before the Assembly will add to that universal human brotherhood which transcends all creeds and frontiers.
70. We are now embarking upon a new and active Assembly session. The crisis concerning peacekeeping Operations, as well as recent armed conflicts, makes us view the United Nations in an atmosphere of realism.
71. Much has been said in the course of the general debate about the Organization's balance sheet — about what it has achieved and what it has failed to do during the twenty years of its existence. We must remember that when the United Nations was founded, it represented a second attempt at creating an Organization to prevent the recurrence of war. Had the first attempt succeeded after the First World War, the world would not have been plunged into the tragedy of the Second World War. And just as the second war was many times worse than the first — and I repeat that this was due to our failure to turn the League of Nations into an effective instrument for the preservation of peace —we know today that if we fail here the resulting destruction would be incomparably greater than before. None of us can tell if after another war we shall have the opportunity to make a third attempt at peace. Only from this point of view can we realize the responsibility weighing upon us collectively and, even more so, on each of us individually. After all, the Organization as a whole cannot be better or more effective than its Members.
72. There have been General Assemblies during which we sat here in fear, lest the so-called "cold war” flare up into a new world conflagration. And again there were Assemblies — and particularly that of 1963 — when we felt that the world had recoiled from the brink of the abyss, and when the horizon seemed brighter.
73. It is a ground for sober comfort that we have lived for two decades now without a renewal of a large-scale war. But we know that this is not the whole picture. No nation today can live isolated, and no conflict between nations can remain isolated. Our world is too small and too interdependent for such dangerous delusions. Yet it seems this lesson is not yet accepted by all. The fears which agitate international life today are the fruits of our own sins. During these twenty years we have allowed the day-by-day behaviour of Member States to be divorced from the United Nations Charter. I believe that declarations about peace reflect the sincere desire of mankind. At the same time there is a lack of willingness to act accordingly regarding disputes in which individual Member States find themselves involved. We have not succeeded in eliminating from international life the idea that there is a choice between solving problems by peaceful means or solving them by resort to war.
74. Throughout the history of mankind there were patterns of human behaviour which at the time appeared to be natural and acceptable, but which later came to be regarded as inadmissible. So too, our duty now is to eliminate from the thinking of our generation the concept of the use of force as a means for solving international disputes.
75. Since the end of the Second World War, some fifty so-called "local wars" have erupted. The latest example has been the fighting over Kashmir which we all pray is now being halted, in response to the Security Council's unanimous cease-fire resolutions and the peace mission of our dedicated and selfless Secretary-General. Did the tens of thousands of widows and orphans left after these outbreaks find consolation in the thought that their bereavement was caused only by a local war? Need we be reminded of the destruction caused, of the tens of thousands of scorched acres? Nobody knows how a global war might begin, but all know what its end will be. As to local wars, we know how they begin but we do not know how they might end.
76. Can we point to a single conflict which was solved by a so-called "local war" or which could not have been peacefully solved by the parties concerned-given a sincere desire to reach a solution, mutual respect and, above all, the acceptance of the axiom that each State has a right to exist?
77. If we accept the principles on which our Organization rests, can the United Nations ignore the declarations of individual Member States or groups of Member States calling for the destruction of another Member State? Can our Organization remain indifferent when the Charter and the resolutions of peace coexist with preparations for a war of aggression by Member State? Acquiescence in such a situation is not only unjustified toward the State threatened by aggression; it erodes the very foundations of the Organization itself and impairs its moral authority in other cases.
78. The destructive effects of such a warlike threat do not await actual hostilities. Long before, the would-be attacker stocks arms in order to carry out his designs while the designated victim has to arm in his own defence. The direct result is that huge sums are spent on armaments and productive manpower is paralysed in developing countries which cannot yet satisfy the basic needs of their citizens.
79. The world now devotes its thoughts and efforts — and justly so — to the question of limiting and, in the end, eliminating nuclear weapons. This is without doubt the most vital objective facing us. But all the wars which have taken place in our time, with all their destructive consequences, have been waged with so-called conventional arms. Moreover, in many parts of the world these are the arms that are creating dangerous tensions, and the risk of fresh outbreaks. With all the central concern that is properly focussed on weapons of mass destruction, we cannot afford to ignore the grave implications of a conventional arms race.
80. Unfortunately, much of what I have said so far derives from experience in our own region. Three times recently the Kings and Presidents of a dozen Arab States, Members of the United Nations, have gathered to prepare and co-ordinate plans, to establish armed forces, and to approve budgets, with the declared aim of launching a war against another Member State. From these three gatherings there came no peace tidings, no call for friendship and brotherhood between peoples, no economic plans to solve the development problems of the parties concerned, no challenge to the hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy from which many of their inhabitants suffer. From those conference halls came only the voice of belligerence. The agenda was a programme of aggression against a Member State, calling for a unified military command, piling up more weapons, and even recruiting and training refugees supported by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency in Palestine to operate against our territory. A budget of nearly half a billion dollars was adopted to finance and prosecute these purposes during the next four years.
81. Let no one feel reassured at the allegedly good news that a war which Arab leaders describe as inevitable has been postponed for four years. By insisting on their war aims and pursuing their war preparations, they are condemning the region to years of a wasteful and escalating arms race into which Israel, too, is obliged against its will, to divert precious resources and efforts for maintaining its own armed strength, since its defence capability is essential to deter its enemies. The price-tag for such an arms race includes the retarding of progress, the poisoning of young minds in the Arab countries with sentiments of hatred and revenge, and the building-up of explosive tensions. It is to us paradoxical that States that proclaim these doctrines of war and pursue these policies sit as Members of the United Nations, and even as members of the Security Council and the Disarmament Committee. It is our contention that the United Nations as such cannot close its ears to doctrines and policies of war unless it wishes to abdicate its primary responsibility.
82. I naturally do not intend to say one word as to the rights and justification for the existence of the State of Israel, now entering its eighteenth, year of renewed statehood. But I must say that it gives me great satisfaction to note that there is agreement between the United Arab Republic and Israel as expressed by the Foreign Minister of the United Arab Republic this morning: "a dangerous trend to use force in international relations" [1351st meeting, para. 56]; his advice to both India and Pakistan to solve their problems by peaceful means; the adherence of his country to the principles of coexistence; and so on. We agree to that fully. But it is very regrettable that his address serves as an example of the pattern I mentioned earlier in my speech, that some countries speak very eloquently on the necessity of peace, disarmament, and the solution of international problems by peaceful means, but follow a directly contrary policy in cases where they themselves are involved.
83. My Government, for its part, regards its signature of the Charter as committing it to the independence and integrity of every single other Member State. The Charter principles to which I have referred are for us not mere moral precepts, but guidelines for the conduct of our international relations. In all the years of our existence as an independent State we have repeatedly called upon our neighbours to abandon policies of belligerence, to settle our disputes by direct negotiation, and to agree on a relationship based on mutual respect for the sovereignty of all States in that region. Again today we call upon our neighbours to substitute for a doctrine of war the doctrine of peace, coexistence and fruitful cooperation. We do not call for peace from a position of weakness, nor are we animated by an arrogance of strength. We consider peace as the dictate of the hour, and the doorway to progress and development for all our peoples.
84. Peace is more than just the absence of war. Only peace makes it possible to create a society in which all our energies can be concentrated on constructive purposes. If we were to be relieved of the threat of war, our generation would be better equipped to face the formidable array of unresolved human problems. I should like to refer briefly to some of these basic questions.
85. To begin with, these are still difficult and even explosive problems left unresolved in the colonial field, such as those of Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea and others. This is an era when the recognition if almost universal that all nations are entitled to equal status and common dignity. Those who resist that truth cannot possibly win; they can only cause more bitterness and more pain. The irresistible tide of independence is the most striking historical event of the age. Within two decades it has transformed the political map of the world, and today over 90 per cent of the human race lives in sovereign States. The Israel delegation will continue to give its full support to the cause of national independence where it has not yet been attained, and, in particular, to the liberation of all African territories still under colonial rule.
86. It was with great satisfaction that we at this Assembly welcomed three more newly independent countries into our Organization: the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore. We greet them in a sincere spirit of friendship and co-operation.
87. However spectacular and rapid the march to independence has been, one cannot but feel unhappy at the slow tempo of development in those countries that have already gained their sovereignty. We know that there is no lack of goodwill towards the developing and struggling countries, and no, lack of agencies and institutions, both bilateral and multilateral, through which international aid is made available to them. I have no intention of minimizing the extent to which international co-operation has grown up. There are remarkable facts quoted in the Secretary- General's lucid and thoughtful introduction to his current annual report concerning the work done over the years by the Special Fund, the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, and UNICEF, If one totals the annual budgets of the United Nations and the specialized agencies in the economic and social fields, the figure is very impressive; and considerably more is being done through direct channels.
88. Yet it seems that what has taken place so far is quite inadequate. We are now half-way through the hopefully proclaimed United Nations Development Decade without substantial progress having been accomplished. It would seem that international collective responsibility is still in its infancy, and that what we require is a revolution in our thinking about these problems.
89. The most burning issue in the world economic picture, as far as the developing countries see it, may well be that which relates to the marketing of primary products. It was most distressing to read in the Secretary-General's introduction to his annual report that:
"... a disturbing shadow has been cast, in the form of a worsening of the relative economic position of the developing countries. ...the terms of trade are moving against the developing countries." [A/600l/Add.1, section IV.]
90. It is, of course, legitimate for the more advanced countries to enjoy constant progress, and a steady rise in the standard of living of their people. But this must not be achieved at the expense of the poorer countries, from which they import raw materials. Nothing is solved when aid is offered to developing countries, while their natural wealth is bought on terms which keep them poor and therefore dependent upon more external aid.
91. No less serious a question is how to make available to developing countries the massive amounts of capital they need for economic growth, on terms they can afford. Without such a flow of capital, they cannot attain self-sustained growth. Yet, if they obtain loans at the prevailing terms, the repayment of the principal and interest will, in many cases, catch up with the total amount of financial assistance they receive from elsewhere, and the whole development effort will be defeated. At the United Nations Trade and Development Conference in Geneva, the Governor of the Bank of Israel, Mr. David Horowitz, submitted an ambitious plan for making development capital available to poorer countries at a greatly increased rate, and on the easy terms of the International Development Association (IDA). My delegation believes that such an approach is in the long-term interests of the industrial nations as well, as it would expand the market for their capital goods. At any rate, it seems evident that this is a problem which will not be resolved just by a conservative banking attitude.
92. But with all their need for external aid, the developing countries will have to advance mainly by their own exertions and by co-operation among themselves. As a post-war State situated at the junction between Asia and Africa, Israel is happy to be an active participant in this process of direct co-operation with many other developing lands in those two continents, as well as in Latin America and the Middle East. Such a role is basic to our own sense of mission, and our place in the world. In Israel we have mobilized all our creative energy and pioneering zeal in tackling the development problems of our own small country, and we have sought to share with others our experience in nation-building. Today we have projects of economic and technical co-operation in over fifty other developing countries, while thousands of students and trainees come to us each year. A series of international conferences that have taken place at Rehovot in Israel have served the purpose of clarifying the needs of new States and seeking constructive answers. The themes of these conferences have covered science and technology, rural planning and monetary and fiscal problems, and the participants have included government leaders and top experts from over fifty countries.
93. In the social field, special praise is due to UNICEF for the growing scope of its work in the less developed countries. UNICEF has evolved for itself a broad philosophy, by which the young child is regarded not merely as an object of sentimental concern, but as the chief asset a country possesses and the key to its national future. For this reason, there is a new interest in helping children adapt themselves to the bewildering changes that are now breaking up the traditional patterns of family life. To quote from the Declaration of the Rights of the Child, "...mankind owes to the child the best it has to give" [resolution 1386 (XIV)]. And in helping the child, each nation is helping itself. It gives me personal satisfaction that a countrywoman of mine presides over the Executive Board of an international agency engaged in such vital and moving tasks.
94. A kindred field of endeavour is the international attack on illiteracy. At the recent UNESCO conference on this subject, held in Teheran, my colleague, the Israel Minister of Education and Culture, Mr. Zalman Aranne, pointed out that:
"The problem of illiteracy has two aspects. One is that of teaching men and women the simple skill of reading and writing. But beyond it looms the ideal of human dignify, of freedom through knowledge. Leave a human being without the ingredients for a creative and productive life, without the power of intelligent decision, and you deprive him of the opportunity of serving modern society and of living his life with a sense of purpose."
95. I might here refer to a remarkable conference held in Jerusalem last year, attended by women from forty-nine countries, mainly developing lands, but outstanding women leaders of European countries as well. Many vital topics concerning women's role in developing countries were discussed. As a result of these deliberations, it is now decided to dedicate this year's activities to combating illiteracy among wives and mothers. This is to our mind the most effective way of influencing the home and the children.
96. The United Nations, like the League of Nations before it, is an association of sovereign States. However, the Charter combines respect for national sovereignty with an emphasis on the dignity and worth of the human being, and it rejects discrimination in all its forms. This concern for man as an individual was spelt out in detail in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights seventeen years ago, Pin a series of declarations and conventions which followed it. Nobody would deny the moral and educational force of such documents. But no instrument has yet been devised for implementing them, and reconciling the protection of persons or groups within a State, with the sovereignty of the State. The delegation of Costa Rica has now taken an important initiative in proposing the appointment of a (United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, as a means of overcoming this difficulty [see A/5963]. My delegation will give to this suggestion the careful and sympathetic study it warrants.
97. The Jewish people can claim a bitter status in this field. Many centuries of religious and racial persecution in many lands culminated in the indescribable horror of the Nazi régime and its attempted "final solution of the Jewish question" — an organized project to murder all Jews. Six million of them were wiped out in the gas chambers or moulder in mass graves, and to this day Israel is full of survivors with concentration camp numbers tattooed on their skins. With these memories haunting us, it is small wonder that we should abhor all discrimination on the ground of ethnic origin, faith, or the colour of a person's skin. We reject policies of racial or religious discrimination, colonialism and apartheid wherever they exist.
98. My delegation welcomes the progress which has been made in drafting declarations and conventions on the related topics of racial prejudice and religious intolerance. It is worth recalling that the evolution of these important texts started as a result of widespread anti-semitic acts some years ago — the so-called "swastika epidemic". I would note the following sentence from last year's report of the Commission on Human Rights:
"... anti-Semitism, in all its manifestations, past and present, was a repugnant form of racial discrimination; it was a dangerous social and political phenomenon, and it was a serious obstacle to the establishment of friendly relations and co-operation among peoples."
99. At the eighteenth session, the Israel delegation strongly supported the inclusion, on the initiative of the United States, of an article expressly condemning anti-semitism. We deem it essential that this paragraph should be maintained intact, together with the condemnation of racism and nazism, in the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
100. It is now twenty years since Nazi Germany was defeated, and the foul Third Reich collapsed in blood and flames. What could be more fitting than for this Assembly to mark the occasion by adopting the Draft Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination?
101. The work of the drafts concerning religious intolerance has been rather slower, but a positive approach is apparent in what has already been done on this topic by the Commission on Human Rights. In particular, it has become recognized that this is not only a matter concerning individuals. Religious communities and ethnic minorities are collectively entitled to all the freedoms and facilities needed to practise their faith, preserve their spiritual and cultural heritage, organize their communal institutions, and maintain contact with their brethren elsewhere. It remains a matter of sorrow and concern to us that a certain large Jewish community suffers serious disabilities and discrimination, which are causing distress not only to their fellow Jews, but also to decent and liberal opinion in other lands. A few concessions have recently been made, and we can only hope that they are signs of a more liberal policy. It is hard to understand what that great country concerned could stand to gain by stifling an ancient faith, culture and language, belonging to a minority group.
102. Twenty years after its birth, the United Nation appears troubled and divided, because it reflects a troubled and divided world. There is still a steep and tortuous road to that world order, based on the rule of law between nations, to which the United States representative referred the other day [1346th meeting]. Yet, during the critical months of the nineteenth session, there were indications that all the Members of the Organization shared a desire to preserve it, and to see it play an effective part in world affairs. Whether the United Nations can attain such a role depends upon its responses to the challenges which now confront it. Our organization will grow in strength, and nor merely in size, to the extent that it can halt fighting, firmly reject doctrines of war, set in reverse the present arms race, conventional as well as nuclear, promote the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, help to liberate the remaining colonial territories stimulate development and welfare among the new nations, and safeguard human rights.
103. It is admittedly a formidable list of tasks, but it is by these expectations that the world will judge our joint success or failure. Let us renew our faith that if we want these objectives and are willing to work together for them, they will be attained.