Syria

I should like at the outset to congratulate Mr. Hunte on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I am confident that his wisdom, as expressed in the policies of his friendly country, will promote constructive dialogue among Member States. In the final analysis, constructive dialogue remains the most valid means of addressing the complex problems currently facing the international community. It also gives me great pleasure to express to the Secretary-General and his staff our sincere appreciation for the effort they have made and the hardships they have endured in preserving the status of this Organization, and for not submitting to attempts to marginalize it in the international arena. It is with deep sorrow that we recall the great loss that the United Nations in general, and the friendly country of Brazil in particular, suffered as a result of the death of 8 Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello and his colleagues in the attack against the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad last month. Many leaders and other representatives of the peoples of the world have gathered together at this international forum. That in itself proves beyond any doubt that this edifice of international legitimacy, and the resolutions that are adopted here, remain the most acceptable and respectable political recourse available to the various countries of the world, be they large or small, rich or poor. This is the only forum in which it would be extremely difficult to pass an arbitrary or pre- emptive war resolution that would result in the deaths of innocent civilians and the destruction of their property. Our world today faces daunting challenges that threaten the very foundation of the system of international peace and security. World leaders are therefore called upon to make a sincere and concerted effort and to demonstrate unwavering political will to commit themselves once again to the principles of international legitimacy. Giving precedence to the logic of force, violating the sovereignty of nations and taking actions that affect people's future compromise legitimacy and the principle of equality. Such policies represent a miscarriage of justice and an abrogation of the rule of law. They will open the door to widespread chaos in international relations and to crises that might be more dangerous than those we are currently facing. My country believes that the failure to reap the optimal benefits of the remarkable scientific and technological advances that humanity has made in the past two decades, coupled with the failure to achieve globalization with a civilized, human face, have alienated our peoples and heightened their apprehensions. It has obstructed the dialogue among civilizations and blocked further interaction with other cultures. Attempts by some centres of power in the world to manipulate the profound changes that have taken place in the international balance of power in pursuit of narrow national interests have added insult to injury. Cards have been shuffled and premises have been challenged. New concepts that are totally alien to the Charter, such as pre-emptive war and unilateral and illegitimate use of force, have been invented. In brief, that course of action has turned the clock back contrary to the superficial claims that new prospects were actually being opened. It is regrettable that in the twenty-first century some think tanks provide decision-makers with misleading or false information on the basis of which wars are waged outside the context of international legitimacy and blood is shed. Accusations are made that completely lack credibility, and unbridled claims are advanced in deliberate disregard of any logic developed by States and peoples throughout their history. Our region the cradle of the divine religions and the storehouse of two thirds of the world's oil reserves has been victimized more than any other, suffering greater injustice, being subjected to more disinformation campaigns and enduring greater use of force than any other region. It has to endure a great many external threats that continually lay waste its potential and its material and intellectual resources. No sooner had the peoples of the region begun to enjoy their freedom and independence than they found themselves once again faced with violent and unjust challenges challenges that are worse than any they have known throughout their history. The scourge of the Israeli occupation and continued Israeli aggression has been the main reason for the suffering of our region since the concept of international legitimacy first emerge in the international community. That is the concept on which the Organization was founded and which it came to epitomize. There is a profound paradox that has become the hallmark of our region. Israel was the first State to acquire its legitimacy through a resolution adopted by the United Nations, yet Israel was also the first State to ride roughshod over international legitimacy and it has continued to do so to the extent that Arabs and many others around the world feel as if Israel were a country above the law, one that enjoys the same veto power in the Security Council as the United States. It is regrettable that, after decades of occupation, bloodshed and contempt for international legitimacy, the representative of Israel has yet to realize that the road to peace lies in Israel's implementation of the 37 Security Council resolutions on the Arab-Israeli conflict and the nearly 600 General Assembly resolutions on the same subject, all of which have so far remained hostage to Israeli defiance of international law. 9 It behoved the Israeli Foreign Minister to explain in his statement to the international community in this Hall a few days ago the reasons for his country's refusal to implement this enormous number of resolutions of international legitimacy on the Middle East, instead of ignoring them, considering them null and void, items of the past. Are the Syrians, the Lebanese and the Palestinians unrealistic in their demands, or are they asking for the impossible when they stress that the only way out of the spiral of violence and bloodshed is through ending the Israeli occupation of the Arab territories occupied since June 1967, through negotiations to pursue a comprehensive, just and lasting peace on the basis of implementing United Nations resolutions and the Arab Summit peace initiative adopted at Beirut in 2002? The nagging core question here is how much longer Israel continue can to mislead some into believing that it is being victimized while it continues to occupy the territory of others by force, lay siege to Palestinians, destroy their homes, uproot their trees and assassinate them in their occupied land. When did the victims of occupation, settler colonialism and population transfer become outlaws and terrorists without a just cause, whose killing by fighter jets and tank fire became sanctioned under the pretext of self- defence? Some people in Washington have asked Why do they hate us?' Some authors with ulterior motives, or self-proclaimed pundits writing for reputable American newspapers or appearing on famous television programmes, volunteer their answers: They hate us because we have skyscrapers and noble values.' They choose to ignore that what is hated are the flawed policies, and not the country and its beautiful landmarks and cherished cultural and humanitarian values. The grave situation in Iraq has become a source of serious concern for our people, who are already plagued by Israeli occupation and continued threats against them. The situation is also a major cause of concern for the international community due to the threat it poses to international peace and security. The credibility of our Organization suffered greatly when the United Nations was unable to prevent the war against Iraq, a war waged outside the context of international legitimacy. For weeks and months, the Security Council was drawn into bitter strife, debating the war resolution prior to the war. The marathon report of the inspectors came out before the inspectors had accomplished the tasks entrusted to them. That situation notwithstanding, most of the members of the Council were able to stay the course, upholding international legitimacy and the Charter. The war was ultimately waged outside the framework of international legitimacy and those members chose not to its burden. Along with other neighbouring countries, Syria remained committed to the principles of international legitimacy and the Charter. In an unprecedented dÈmarche, our countries unanimously stressed their common concern that, should this war break out, its repercussions on regional security and international peace would be more devastating than the precarious situation prevailing in Iraq at the time. That said, Syria does not base its foreign policy on hatred, nor do we gloat over the misfortunes of others. We do not redefine our policy in response to threats either. The real challenge, we believe is how to extricate Iraq from this predicament and mobilize all efforts to win the battle for peace in post-war Iraq. Our country is directly concerned with developments in Iraq, given our historical and geographic ties and our common national loyalties to the Iraqi people. Syria affirms that finding the way out of this predicament does not lie in focusing on addressing the lack of security in Iraq, thereby increasing the number of troops and using force to bring about security, or on levelling accusations at neighbouring countries. The way out lies in an international commitment to the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, setting a clear timetable for the withdrawal of the occupying forces from Iraq as soon as possible, drafting a constitution accepted by the Iraqis and establishing a Government that is representative of the Iraqi people, provided that the United Nations plays a pivotal role in Iraq in the various political, security and economic fields. This session of the Assembly has seen intensive discussion among the permanent and elected members of the Security Council on a new draft resolution on Iraq. We must draw attention here to the requirement that any draft resolution to be adopted by the Security Council should allay the misgivings of the Iraqi people in all their factions and affiliations. Therefore, the draft 10 resolution to be adopted by the Security Council must be brought to full maturity, so as to reassure the Iraqi people about their future and to guarantee their independence and sovereignty over their land and resources. The members of the Security Council should unanimously accept such a resolution, and it must enjoy the support of neighbouring States and the international community. Much has been said lately about the dangers of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction paid by countries that already have different types of such weapons. Some have even waged a war under the pretext of eliminating such weapons. As is already known, this danger is not confined to a particular region in the world, but can be found in many other regions. What is truly regrettable, however, is that some international quarters selectively choose to level false accusations against certain Arab and Islamic States, but not against others, while ignoring the Israeli arsenal of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. Also ignored have been the repeated appeals by all the countries of the region, with the exception of Israel, to make the Middle East a region free of all weapons of mass destruction. Syria this year translated its words into action by submitting an integrated draft resolution to the Security Council, calling for declaring the Middle East a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction. It is not surprising, however, that those who led the media campaign against Syria stood in the way of adoption of the Syrian initiative. Syria is aware that its membership in the Security Council is temporary. However, we appeal to the international community to continue to support the Syrian initiative calling for the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East region. Syria has condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We have supported the Security Council's efforts to counter international terrorism throughout the time of our membership of the Council. Syria has also acceded to the relevant international conventions to combat terrorism, including the Arab Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism and the Convention of the Organization of the Islamic Conference on Combating International Terrorism. Both instruments define the crime of terrorism and distinguish between terrorism and the legitimate right of people under foreign occupation to resist occupation, in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Syria, which is not pursuing any political agenda, believes that the international community's success in its overall battle against terrorism depends, to a large extent, on its success in addressing the root causes of terrorism, which are often found in poverty, ignorance and injustice. First and foremost, eliminating injustice requires an end to foreign occupation. As a member of the Security Council, Syria has contributed to all the deliberations on the situation in Africa. Syria has also presided over Council meetings that were dedicated in full to finding solutions to the predicaments of the friendly people of Africa. On more than one level, the Council has succeed in providing assistance to Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, CÙte d'Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Burundi, Angola and Sierra Leone. My county would like to express its satisfaction at the positive developments that have made it possible to find peaceful solutions to African questions, which have guaranteed the security, stability and territorial integrity of the African States concerned. Syria expresses its total solidarity with the African continent. We call upon industrialized States and others able to do so to provide assistance to the countries of that great continent. Syria also expresses its satisfaction with the progress made in the Sudanese peace talks, with the signing of the agreement on security and ceasefire arrangements, and ultimately with the comprehensive agreement that will end the conflict in that fraternal country in a way that would preserve the Sudan's unity and territorial integrity. We call for a total lifting of the embargo imposed on Cuba for decades outside the context of international legitimacy. We also welcome the international efforts to defuse tensions on the Korean peninsula, and support the Korean people's legitimate aspirations to unity and prosperity. Acting upon the collective responsibility of Member States to promote the role of this international Organization, Syria has actively participated in the deliberations on the reform of the United Nations. In that regard, the Millennium Declaration, which was 11 adopted three years ago, represented a good basis, all things considered, to bring about that reform. We hope that the reform will continue to be carried out in a comprehensive, transparent and non-selective manner. We believe that, in cooperation with the Secretariat, Member States have a primary role to play in the consultations on reform and in the decisions to be taken accordingly. In conclusion, our sense of the daunting responsibility that we must shoulder together as members of this international Organization should prompt us to raise some rhetorical questions. Do we have at our disposal a better option than to enhance the purposes and principles of the Charter and to pursue the goal of reforming the Organization for the establishment of a more just and more democratic international order? Should we not persevere to safeguard the milestone achievements of international law? Should we not aspire to a system that will not accommodate the arrogance of power nor compromise our fundamental principles? Should we not seek a system that pursues fruitful cooperation among States and encourages openness and a dialogue among civilizations epitomizing the essence of a creative human interaction?