154. In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate:
155 The appointment of Mr. Fanfani to the high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twentieth session has heartened all of us; first, because he hails from a great country, Italy, which has contributed immensely to modern civilization, quite apart from the glory achieved by ancient Rome; and secondly, and not less important, because of the role that he himself has played not only in his service to his country but also in his noble endeavours for world peace.
156. Inasmuch as under Mr. Fanfani's guidance this Assembly has been functioning smoothly, my delegation does not lose sight of the skilful role played by Mr. Quaison-Sackey, the President of the Assembly at its nineteenth session, who applied himself most earnestly to devising a plan that made it possible for the Assembly to survive one of its most difficult periods.
157. In this instance, we are very mindful of the dedication of our Secretary-General to the well-being of this Organization in his continuous quest for peace, whether by his personal initiative or by applying the various mandates of the United Nations. His devotion has indeed become exemplary all over the world.
158. My delegation is gratified by the calm atmosphere prevailing during this session and takes this opportunity to extend its congratulations to the three new States, namely the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore, which were recently admitted as Members of our Organization, thus extending its universal character.
159. Those who have spoken before me in the general debate have already covered each and every issue on our agenda. If, however, I speak at this late hour, it is to present briefly those issues which my Government deems to be of paramount importance.
160. Unfortunately, in spite of the fact that this Organization is twenty years old, we find ourselves still confronted by various issues, some of which are almost as old as the United Nations itself. On the other hand, new issues seem to be cropping up. However, we are thankful that the solution of most of them has been sought in the United Nations through peaceful means. We do hope that, sooner or later, no single problem that may arise will, unless the two contending parties so desire, be settled other than on the principles of the United Nations Charter, In other words, peace should always be coupled with justice.
161. As a small Power, Saudi Arabia does not pretend to expertise on how nuclear and conventional disarmament should be achieved. None the less, we have a few ideas that may be worth considering by the major Powers. To begin with, we submit that there should be a greater measure of goodwill based on the principle of give and take, instead of adherence to rigid positions. Secondly, we believe that no world conference on disarmament should be held before an opportunity is given to the big nuclear Powers to meet formally or informally in order to exchange views and decide amongst themselves on possible areas of agreement. All this would serve as a prelude to holding a world conference, lest without preparation such a conference become only a platform for propaganda which could lead to the revival of the cold war.
162. The question of Cyprus has been of concern to my Government for no reason other than the friendly ties we have with all the contending parties. At the same time, we cannot lose sight of the fact that Cyprus lies in close proximity to the Arab East. We should like to see this country maintain its full independence on the basis agreed upon by the two communities. We are against either a merger of Cyprus with any other State or its partition between the two communities as we wish to see them both living as one nation under the same flag.
163. It is indeed most disappointing still to find in this world a minority in colonial territories which thinks that it can impose its will on a majority which outnumbers it tenfold or more such as in the case of Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies. By the same token, it is deplorable to find in the selfsame continent of Africa a Government still justifying its apartheid policies as if the white man had been given a title deed from God Almighty to rule over those he considers his inferiors.
164. Repugnant as racial discrimination is, we unfortunately still find certain States Members of this Organization, if not supporting it, at least not taking effective steps to eliminate it. We sincerely hope that the white man in Africa, who still rules in certain enclaves, will come to his senses and accept the irrefutable fact that, in spite of all colours, we are brothers under the skin belonging to the same human family.
165. One of the major issues confronting the United Nations today, because of the break-out of hositilities in the Asian sub-continent, is the question of Kashmir. This is not a new issue since it goes back to 1947, the year which saw the emergence of two great Asian States, none other than India and Pakistan. With both these countries, Saudi Arabia has had the best of cordial and brotherly relations. Hence, it is painful for us to witness actual war between these two States.
166. In giving our views on this issue we should like to be most objective. Even before the founding of the United Nations, self-determination was proclaimed as a principle at the Versailles Peace Conference in the wake of the First World War when many subjugated peoples clamoured for liberation and independence. The same principle has been enshrined in the Charter of our Organization, and later on was elaborated and accepted as a fundamental human right by the whole world community.
167. When Kashmir became a bone of contention between India and Pakistan and fighting broke out between those two States, the dispute was brought before the Security Council which, after many meetings, passed resolutions reaffirming the right of the Kashmir people to self-determination. Both India and Pakistan agreed to the terms of these Council resolutions. The Maharajah of Kashmir, however, acceded his state to India without ascertaining the wishes of the people of Kashmir. We submit that events have shown that it is dangerous for any State to take action on its own without the consent of the other party to the dispute. It is no wonder that war broke out.
168. On the other hand, it. appears to us that the Security Council is to blame for not following up its resolutions on Kashmir. Instead, it resorted to evasive action without due regard to the just course it should have pursued.
169. Either the people of Kashmir have the right to speak for themselves through a United Nations plebiscite, or they are kept muzzled by the unwillingness of the Council to deal effectively with this issue. But the people of Kashmir, or any other people for
that matter, cannot be muzzled for long when they become ever more conscious of their right to determine their future.
170. In the present circumstances, my Government ventures to make a few suggestions in our endeavour to seek a way out of this impasse. First, let all Indian and Pakistani troops be withdrawn from Kashmir. Secondly, whilst Kashmir is being policed by the United Nations, the Security Council resolutions should be respected as agreed upon by both parties over fifteen years ago. Thirdly, during a transitional period, the territorial integrity of Kashmir should be guaranteed by both India and Pakistan.
171. After this period, it is hoped that emotions will have cooled down and the people of Kashmir will then have the choice of merging with either India or Pakistan. In essence, what we are suggesting is prompted by our earnest desire to see lasting peace with justice prevail between these two sister States without whose co-operation there can be no stability in Asia.
172. The next issue pre-occupying my Government stems from the vestiges of colonialism in the Arabian Peninsula. The Constitution of Aden has been suspended on the grounds that the patriots have manifested the desire of attaining full independence before the target date set by the United Kingdom. The year 1968 is indeed not too far off. However, the patriots in Aden and the South Arabia region are sincerely afraid that some strings will be tied to the terms of independence. To be more explicit, the patriots contend that by a sort of an imposed treaty of alliance the British will wish to maintain a naval base and a military foothold in that part of the peninsula. This is really the core of the whole question.
173. My Government submits that independence should not be contingent upon military arrangements made prior to achieving independence, and we hope that the British will do all within their power to dispel the fears of the patriots so as not to jeopardize their vital economic interest in the Arab East.
174. Aden and South Arabia do not constitute the only region where instability is rife on account of some antiquated policies in the Arabian Peninsula. The question of Oman remains a sore point which, unfortunately, is straining the good relations we would like to have with the British. Here again, we are faced with the suppression of the Omani people to exercise their right to determine whether they should be independent or form a part of an old British Protectorate. We do not believe that the British, hailing from an island several thousand miles away from the Arabian Peninsula, should arrogate to themselves to be the arbiters or the judges as to whether Oman should be ruled by a protege of theirs in our part of the world.
175. The British claim that they have taken their stand by virtue of a treaty signed many decades ago, which upon scrutiny, we find was concluded to serve their own interests. But conditions have changed since the time of the East India Company and, wise as we deem the British to be in safeguarding their interests, we hope that they will prevail on their protege to refrain from violating the right of the Omanis to self-determination.
176. There happen to be other differences and disputes between us and the British Government in the peninsula. But again, we hope that these differences and disputes may be resolved amicably and within the shortest period of time, lest we be compelled to take drastic action for protection of our rights.
177. We may well wonder whether the Palestine question should, so to speak, remain a perennial issue on the books of the United Nations, since the wanton and unjust resolutions of partitioning the Holy Land were passed. These resolutions ultimately led to the expulsion of 80 per cent of the population of Palestine from their own country. If Members of the United Nations which contributed to this tragedy have not become callous, let them today search their conscience to find out whether they should not concert their efforts in order to redress the wrong they have done unto the Palestinian people, a wrong which has no parallel in the history of the United Nations.
178. What is the use of the big Power's paying lip service to the high and lofty ideals of the Charter when they often seem to consider the Palestine question as a hopeless chronic issue for which they apply only weak palliatives instead of righting the wrong done to a whole nation? We have, time and again, listened to statements from this rostrum proclaiming that any peace without justice would be no peace at all, for sooner or later any oppressed people will finally rise with all the bitterness and rancour developed within their hearts in rebellion against those who have contributed to their misery.
179. Such is the problem of the Palestine refugees cooped up in tents, many of them living within sight of their homes across the artificial borders imposed upon them by those primarily responsible for their expulsion. Until that black Spot is wiped, as it should be, from the annals of the United Nations, we submit that, in the meantime, the United Nations should appoint a custodian with high integrity over the assets which the Palestinian refugees were compelled to leave behind, so that the income therefrom may be used towards improving the sad lot of the refugees living in camps and also to aid those refugees who have hitherto been denied any assistance.
180. In spite of the necessity for appointing such a custodian, we should continue to bear in mind that the United Nations must remain the sole responsible body for maintaining the annual budget, and possibly increasing the funds, to meet the growth in the refugee population until such a time when these refugees are repatriated. Although the item I have mentioned revolves around the annual report of the Commissioner-General of UNRWA, let us not lose sight of the fact that this is only one aspect of the whole Palestine problem.
181. In conclusion, I may repeat that all we are asking for regarding this problem is that the original natives of Palestine, whether they live inside or outside the boundaries of the Holy Land, should be given the opportunity once and for all to exercise their right of self-determination, a right which was denied them throughout the period of the Mandate as well as during the consideration of the Palestine problem in the United Nations in 1947. Let there be peace with justice in Palestine.
182. Quite often, this Organization of ours is considered mainly an international forum endeavouring to solve intricate political questions. Despite the fact that political disputes and conflicts provide the world Press with dramatic and sensational news, the media of information sometimes do not equate the importance of social progress and economic development with momentous political events. Many seem to forget that political conflicts and disputes are rooted in the nature of economic and social development. Saudi Arabia has greatly benefited from the United Nations Technical Assistance Programme and the Special Fund, as well as from the resolutions and objectives of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
183. While I am on this subject of social progress and economic development, it behoves me to disclose to this Assembly some of the significant achievements so far realized by my Government under the wise guidance of His Majesty King Faisal. My country is enjoying a high rate of economic growth without resorting to deficit spending. In other words, we have been able to maintain a well-balanced national budget, which, by the grace of God, our natural resources and the efforts of our people, is increasing from year to year. We have neither a national nor an external debt. Our social welfare services are being extended in the fields of health and education, and we are maintaining an open-door policy for all kinds of development projects by encouraging foreign investments for the exploitation of natural resources other than oil. In the field of agriculture and irrigation we have been making long strides, especially in studies that are being made on the use of desalinated water.
184. The happiness and prosperity of the Saudi Arabian people is the concern of His Majesty. But we do realize that man does not live by bread alone. Our deep faith in God has always sustained us and made us content with our lot for many, many centuries before the natural resources of the land yielded their bounty and paved the way for the happy state in which we find ourselves today.
185. It is a great privilege that my Government is the custodian of the two holiest cities of Islam, a religion which, as is known, has about 600 million adherents. Every year, my Government welcomes several hundred thousand pilgrims who flock to Mecca and Medina from the four corners of the earth, but mostly from the two continents of Asia and Africa. As an Islamic nation, and due to our special position as custodian of the said two cities, we have indeed been privileged and honoured to keep in touch with the faithful followers of our religion.
186. Before concluding, may I be allowed to invoke God, the Merciful and Compassionate, to bring peace amongst us all.