My delegation is glad to be in Paris once again. We are glad to be here not only because of the physical attractions and the kindliness and courtesy of the French Government and people, but also because of the French tradition of freedom. The struggle for human freedom in France during the last 150 years has been not only an achievement for the French people but a positive contribution to the whole world.
29. It seems to me self-evident that freedom and peace are inseparable. There can be no peace without freedom. If a peace without, freedom were established, it would entail the death of civilization. A living peace can be achieved only with and through freedom.
30. The peoples of the world desire peace. When they are free to express their opinions and decide their own destinies, they undoubtedly choose peace. It is only when they are deprived of their freedom and made to think and act as the dictators wish them to think and act that they appear to support an aggressive war.
31. When the Charter was framed, the events which had led to the Second World War were still fresh in the minds of the representatives assembled at San Francisco. They knew that the Japanese militarists could not have launched their full-scale war against my country in 1937, or their Pearl Harbour attack against the United States of America in 1941, unless and until they had secured absolute control in Japan. In the six years which preceded Japan's full-scale war against China, the militarists in Japan executed a series of terroristic acts to get rid of political leaders who stood for peace and moderation. They succeeded in manipulating Japanese political life and public opinion to such an extent that their regime, in fact, became a totalitarian one. The suppression of freedom in Japan was a pre-condition and a prelude to aggressive war.
32. The representatives at the Sim Francisco Conference undoubtedly also remembered the development of Nazi rule in Germany before the German army marched against Poland in 1939. Hitler did away with the Weimar Republic. Fie established in place of the liberal Weimar Constitution a totalitarian regime which, for many years to come, the people of Germany and people everywhere will not easily forget. That was Hitler’s way of preparing Germany for aggressive war. If, by 1.939, Hitler had failed in that part of his task, he might have hesitated to launch aggression against Germany’s neighbours.
33. The events leading up to aggressive war on the part of Japan and Germany were fresh in the minds of those who framed the Charter. It is for this reason that throughout the Articles of the Charter we find two consistent and intertwining themes. One is, of course, peace: the other is human rights and fundamental freedoms. Right in the Preamble to the Charter we find in the second paragraph, the declaration that we, the peoples of the United Nations, are determined “to reaffirm faith iii fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small...”.
34. _ Article 1 of the Charter states the purposes of the United Nations, among which is this: “3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion”,
35. Chapter IV of the Charter deals with the General Assembly. Article 13 states: “1. The General Assembly shall initiate studies and make recommendations for the purpose of:... “ b. promoting international co-operation in the economic, social, cultural, educational and health fields, and assisting in the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.”
36. Chapter IX of the Charter is devoted to the subject of international economic and social co-operation. I would like to quote a part of Article 55: “With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the United Nations shall promote:... “c. universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.”
37. Chapter X of the Charter is devoted to the Economic and Social Council. In defining the functions and powers of that Council, Article 62 states: “2. It may make recommendations for the purpose of promoting respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all.”
38. Chapter XII of the Charter is devoted to the International Trusteeship System. In defining the basic objectives of the Trusteeship System, Article 76 states that, among the basic objectives, one should be “to encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion...”
39. The Charter makes very clear the basic importance of human rights and fundamental freedoms, both intrinsically and in their relation to international peace and co-operation. The importance attributed by the framers of the Charter to human rights and fundamental freedoms was due not only to the general enlightenment of the times,_ but also to a clear and deep recognition of the causes which had led to the Second World War.
40. When we view the prospects of peace in the world today, as it is the duty of the General Assembly to do at each Session, we must ask ourselves this question: Have the States of the world made progress in respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms? I submit that this question should be put at the forefront of every session of the General Assembly.
41. In asking this basic question now, we must all be frightened by the present state of the world, for instead of making progress in the advancement of human rights and fundamental freedoms, we are actually drifting back to the age of barbarism.
42. I shall not discuss conditions in Eastern Europe, because they are relatively well known to you. I shall confine my remarks to conditions on the mainland of China.
43. On 6 November, when the Assembly held its opening meeting and we listened to the earnest plea of the President of the French Republic for renewed efforts towards the achievement of the high purposes of the United Nations, an important French newspaper Le Monde published an account of events in my country, under the title “La revolution chinoise est entree dans une ere de violence”. The account is accurate though not complete. It deserves the attention of every representative. I do not pretend that I could give a complete account of the width and depth of the terror which today dominates the mainland of China. I shall briefly report to the Assembly the main features of the communist rule by mass murder.
44. At the beginning of October 1950, the communist authorities reviewed their first year’s accomplishments. Yao Su-shih, the so-called Chairman, of the Military Commission of East China, reported that in the year from 1 October 1949 to 1 October 1950, his so-called Commission had liquidated 107,000 “counter-revolutionaries” in the provinces of East China.
45. Teng Tze-huai the so-called Vice-Chairman, of the South Central Military Commission, reported on the same day that his commission had liquidated 611,000 “counter-revolutionaries” in the provinces of South-Central China in the same period.
46. Teng Hsiao-p’ing, the so-called Vice-Chairman of the South-West Military Control Commission, reported that his commission had liquidated 400,000 “counter-revolutionaries” in the South-Western provinces during the same period.
47. Peng Teh-huai, the so-called Chairman of the North-Western Military Commission, reported that, for that period, his commission had liquidated 58,000 “counter-revolutionaries" in the North-Western provinces.
48. These four so-called regional military commissions proudly reported that in the course of one year, from 1 October 1949 to 1 October ,1950, they together had succeeded in liquidating 1,176,000 so-called counter-revolutionaries.
49. The account is incomplete because I do not have the official reports of the so-called North China Military Commission, or of the North-East — that is Manchuria Military Commission, or for the extreme North-West — that is Sinkiang — Military Commission. If the figures for the regions on which we do not have reports were added to the figures set forth in the four official reports which I have cited, the grand total for that one year must have exceeded one and a half million.
50. The record of the communist domination on the mainland of China during the second year, from 1 October 1949 to 1 October 1951, is even worse, although we do not have access to the official reports from these regional military control commissions.
51. In spite of the tragic record of their first year, the Chinese Communists did not feel satisfied. The members of the communist Politburo thought that the attitude of the communist military police and party organs was too soft, too bourgeois. On 21 February of this year, the Communists proclaimed a set of regulations to systematize and intensify terror. These regulations are officially called “Regulations for the suppression of counter-revolution”. Under these regulations, so-called spies, saboteurs, and agents of imperialists are all grouped together as “counter-revolutionaries”. The penalties provided are death and imprisonment. The execution of the terror is entrusted to military courts and to the so-called peoples’ courts.
52. I now wish to present to the Assembly the operation of the military court and people’s court in the city of Shanghai for the months of July, August and September of this year as a sample study of this “rule by mass murder”, as one American correspondent described it. I hope my colleagues will appreciate the tragic life of that great city. For this purpose I use exclusively the official bulletins of the Communists in Shanghai.
53. On 6 July 1951, the courts were very lenient. They condemned 56 persons to police supervision and released 80 persons on guarantee given by friends and relatives. On 7 July 1951, the military court condemned to death and immediately executed 60 persons; it condemned six persons to death postponing their sentence for 2 years; it imposed life imprisonment on 27 and imprisonment of lesser terms on 92 others; it placed 16 persons under police supervision or private guarantee. That is the record for 7 July. On 9 July, the military court condemned to death and immediately executed 48 persons; it condemned 15 to death, with postponed execution; it imposed life imprisonment on 115, and placed under police supervision or private guarantee 23 others. On 11 July, the military court executed 58, condemned 6 to death, with postponed execution; and it imprisoned 20. On 12 July, the military court placed 91 under police supervision and released 52 under private guarantee. That again is a record of leniency. On 14 July, the military court executed 57, condemned 22 to death, with postponed execution, imprisoned 132, and placed 17 under police supervision. On 20 July, the court placed under police supervision 102, and released 78 under private guarantee. On 21 July the court imprisoned 301, placed 53 under police control, and released 26 under private guarantee. On 26 July, the military court executed 28, condemned 6 to death, with postponed execution, imprisoned 35, and placed 29 under police supervision or private guarantee. On 27 July, the court executed 144, condemned 29 to death, with postponed execution, imprisoned 55 for life and 300 for lesser terms, and placed 209 under control or guarantee. That was a very dark day for the people of Shanghai.
54. On 3 August, the military court imprisoned 122, placed 144 under police supervision and released 40 under private guarantee. On 6 August, the military court contented itself with imprisoning the round figure of 500. I give you the figure as stated in the official bulletin of the military court of that day. On 9 August, the court executed 19, sentenced 2 to death with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 9, and imprisonment with lesser terms on 43, it placed 37 under police control and released 9 under private guarantee. On 10 August, the court imprisoned 1,000, placed 98 under police supervision, and released 35 under private guarantee. The figure of 1,000 for imprisonment is the figure in the official bulletin of the military court. On 13 August, the court again condemned 1,000 to imprisonment, placed 59 under police supervision, and released 31 under private guarantee. On 18 August, the court executed 21, condemned 9 to death with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 7, and imprisonment with lesser terms on 75 others. On 22 August, the court imposed life imprisonment on 100 and imprisonment with lesser terms on 200. These round figures are again taken from the official bulletin of the military court. On 27 August, the court executed 62, condemned 3 to death with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 16 and imprisonment with lesser terms on 182, and placed 2 under police supervision.
55. On 1 September, the court placed 75 under police supervision and released 22 under private guarantee. On 8 September, the court executed 45, condemned 13 to death with postponed execution, imprisoned 147, placed 10 under police supervision and released 10 under private guarantee. On 10 September, the court executed 21, condemned 8 to death with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 173, placed 18 under police supervision and released 15 under private guarantee. On 14 September, the court executed 110, condemned 41 to death with execution postponed, imposed life imprisonment on 106 and imprisonment with lesser terms on 107 and placed 3 under police supervision. On 17 September, the court imposed imprisonment of varying terms on 127, placed 33 under police supervision, and released 6 under private guarantee. On 22 September, the court condemned 15 with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 47, and imprisonment with lesser terms on 200; it placed 6 under police supervision, and released 3 under private guarantee.
56. On 28 September, both the military court and the so-called people’s court went into action. The military court on that day executed 06, condemned 13 to death, with postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 28 and imprisonment with lesser terms on 114; it placed 5 under police supervision. The people’s court on that same day executed 45, condemned 22 to death but postponed execution, imposed life imprisonment on 21 and imprisonment with lesser terms on 77, placed 3 under police supervision and released 14 under private guarantee.
57. Such is the record of terror in the city of Shanghai during the months of July, August and September 1931. I have placed before you an abstract of the consecutive official bulletins of the Shanghai military court during the three summer months of this year. I think the data sufficient to give you an idea of the awful days and nights of the people of Shanghai since the Communists came to rule over their city.
58. I shall not repeat the same story for the other cities of China. However, I should like to describe for you the proceedings of the so-called people’s court as that court was held in Canton on 15 July of this year. The official communist report states that at 8.30 a.m. on 15 July, 35,000 citizens of Canton congregated on the big square in front of the Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall to participate in a mass meeting for the purpose of “accusing the counter-revolutionaries”. The assistant director, Sun Lo-nyi, of the Public Security Bureau of the city of Canton made a report to the assembled mass. Pie began by reminding the audience that that meeting of 15 July was the third of its kind; he pointed out that at the first meeting, at the end of April, the people had “with waving of flags and beating of drums, killed 198 counter-revolutionary criminals”, and that, on 8 July, at the second such people’s meeting, the workers of the city had condemned to death one who was a spy for the National Government, a traitor to the working class and a gangster. Pie reminded his audience that on the previous occasions the people had shouted: “It is good to kill; it is right to kill; it is proper to kill”,
59. Of the 136 accused of counter-revolution on that day, 15 July, 7 whom the military court proposed to execute on the spot were brought in and made to kneel before the mob. The chairman urged the citizens to state their feelings publicly. Altogether 7 accusers made their accusations, one for each victim. The crimes cited covered everything evil that human imagination could concoct.
60. After the people had vented their wrath verbally, the presiding judge of the military court of the military commission of the city of Canton proposed to the people that 7 should be condemned to death and shot immediately; that 6 should be condemned to death, with sentence postponed for two years, during which the victims should undertake hard labour as a matter of education and test; that I should be imprisoned for life; that 9 should be imprisoned for fifteen years, 5 for twelve years, 17 for ten years, 6 for seven years, 19 for five years, 7 for three years, 4 for two years, 1 for two years with parole, 10 for one year with parole, 11 to live under police supervision, and 20 to be released under private guarantee. The mob voted by acclamation to accept the verdict. Altogether 136 persons were dealt with on that day by the so-called people’s court of Canton.
61. The record of the proceedings concludes with the following paragraph — and I quote from the official record: “The public security organ of the people, in compliance with the wishes of the broad masses of the people, put the seven worst criminals on a cart which, after circulating through the whole city, reached the place of execution. When the criminals’ cart and the propaganda carriage which accompanied it moved through the streets of the city, the people along the route pronounced oaths of condemnation on the criminals. The people at the foot of the Pearl Bridge and on Tongfu Street were especially enthusiastic and called out that the criminals should be made to eat many bullets”.
62. I notice that the Paris paper, Le Monde, of 8 November, published an account of similar proceedings in Shanghai for the night of 27 April and the next day. It is worth reading.
63. In the city of Canton there occurred an episode of so-called “popular vengeance against imperialist agents”. The so-called People’s Relief Association investigated the orphanage established by Catholic sisters from Canada. These sisters had lived in China for many years and had become known by their Chinese names. They were Pan Yah-fong, Kao Chung-chun, Lien Wan-teh, Tong Yeh-ching and Lu Hsiang-tah. I now quote from the report of the so-called People’s Relief Association: “According to our investigation, from January 1950 to the middle of February this year, the Catholic orphanage received altogether 2,216 infants. On 5 March of this year when the People’s Relief Association took over the orphanage, there remained only forty-eight infants of whom twenty-nine were sick. The death rate in the orphanage exceeds 98 per cent. Using this percentage as a basis for calculation and remembering that this orphanage has been in existence for eighteen years, we come to the conclusion that the five sisters have killed 36,000 infants”.
64. The People’s Relief Association, on the basis of this fantastic investigation and more fantastic statistics, turned the five Canadian sisters over to the military control commission.
65. I will omit all other data on religious persecution because the religious bodies in the Western world have in their possession a vast collection of data. The religious bodies are not giving the data any publicity for fear that the followers of the Christian religion in China might suffer thereby. I shall likewise omit all data on religious persecution under the Chinese Communists.
66. What the outside world has learned, and that very imperfectly, is the terror in the larger cities of China. The outside world has no knowledge of the greater terror in the inland cities, towns and villages. I have a report made by an eye-witness who succeeded in escaping from the mainland to Hongkong on 14 July of this year; He witnessed the terror in the city of Chengtu in the province of Szechuan in the far west of China. This eye-witness states that at midnight on 21 March, when people were all asleep, the so-called “People’s Liberation Army” suddenly invaded the houses of the inhabitants of Chengtu. They searched through all trunks and all drawers, under the beds and around the beds. The search lasted until 6 p.m. of the next day. All those who had at one time or another accepted public office, from that of chief of a street to that of chief of a section, of the city, and all those who had at one time been in the army, whether as officers or as privates or even as transport workers, were arrested. The total number arrested during that big search reached 25,000, in a city of 750,000 inhabitants. Of this number only a small percentage returned to their homes. Every one of those who were fortunate enough to be released carried heavy injuries on their bodies. On 15 April, 500 of the arrested were executed. The fate of the large majority remains unknown. I call your attention to a report of the terror in the small town of Huangshihkang, 100 miles west of Hankow, a report made by Father Sullivan, of the Catholic Mission in that town, published in The Washington Post of 21 October.
67. In the province of Kwangsi in the district of Tengh-sien, there lived a Judge Wu who had presided over cases where Communists were tried in past years. In 1949, when the communist army came to Kwangsi, Judge Wu left his home district and fled to a remote spot. He was caught later and brought to trial before a “peoples’ court” in his home district. The sentence was that Judge Wu and his family, including all members of his father’s generation, his own generation and his childrens’ generation, should be put to death. The total number of victims in the case of Judge Wu was 23. Judge Wu had been regarded by the people of his province in the same light in which Judge Medina is regarded by the people of the United States of America.
68. The terror is greatest in the province of Szechuan in the far west. Next come Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Hunan. But there is no province, no district, no village, which has not suffered from this “rule by murder”. In the bigger cities the Communists bother to issue official bulletins. In inland provinces people are put to death without even a record being made. The grand total for the second year of communist rule far exceeds the total for the first year. This “rule by mass murder” is entirely un-Chinese. The fanaticism behind this mass murder is also entirely un-Chinese. The apparatus by means of which this kind of mass murder has been committed is also entirely un-Chinese.
69. Under such circumstances the common people of China, who ordinarily wish only to be left alone and who have no devotion or antipathy to any kind of abstract ideology, are driven to desperation and therefore to fight for a different regime. Many of the common people of China are today fighters for freedom.
70. We who fight for peace must not forget those who fight for freedom in China and, I must add, in other countries behind the Iron Curtain, If we are to create a better world, the fighters for freedom and the fighters for peace must combine to rid this world of the new barbarism which threatens to engulf us all. When we plan and work for peace we must not forget for a single moment that peace and freedom are inseparable. Let this Assembly remember the numerous Articles of the Charter which bid the peoples of the world to promote respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Let us all remember that terror is preparation for war.