Pakistan

The United Nations is, or at least it could be, a great organization. It was so designed, and it must safeguard itself against a tendency, by now clearly observable, to pull it down into the arena of power politics. In a sense it is a parliament in which sixty nations are represented. If our view were to prevail, the membership even today would exceed eighty. Those who fashioned this Organization designed it as the instrument for the realization and consummation of the hopes and yearnings of tormented humanity for peace and a freer, fuller and richer life for the average man, to be achieved through greater freedom of the body and of the spirit, higher standards, moral and material, and wider opportunities for all manner and classes of men. 67. The Charter of the United Nations, which is a covenant accepted as binding by the nations represented here, enshrines these aspirations in noble language. Through our acceptance of the Charter, we have proclaimed our agreement upon the aims and purposes of the United Nations set out in the Charter. Our principal aim is to secure and maintain peace. We are convinced that the peoples of the world passionately desire peace. All Government affirm they want peace. But with that affirmation the limits of peace are reached and disagreement starts. Those with whom the choice of peace or war mainly lies also desire peace. Each of them, however, desires it on his own terms, so that the peace that is secured should facilitate the reshaping of the world in conformity with the pattern preferred by each. But Dame Peace is proving a somewhat capricious lady. She appears to fight shy of all courtship that is not transparently sincere and single-minded and that reflects the least shadow of ulterior motive. 68. Proposals have been submitted to the Assembly for the reduction of armaments. These will be discussed in detail in committee. The only comment we desire to make at this stage is that past experience, both in the League of Nations and in the United Nations, does not encourage indulgence of the hope that the elusive and suspicious lady may be won through efforts in that direction. We shall, however, be only too willing and happy to be proved wrong in this instance. 69. In our judgment the chief obstacles in the way or making peace secure are fears of each other’s designs and suspicions of each other’s motives. Till these can be largely resolved and dispelled, proposals emanating from one side of the other, by whatever degree of sincerity they may be inspired, are likely to be viewed by those whose acceptance is invited as manoeuverings for position, or attempts to steal a march, and judged accordingly. In the meantime each side is impelled by its fears and suspicions to go on piling up armaments for purely defensive purposes, which process, however, while multiplying the destructive potentialities of an armed conflict, should it unfortunately ensue, serves further to enhance the fears and deepen the suspicions. 70. The vicious circle thus goes whirling madly on its course dragging helpless humanity and all its hopes, aspirations and yearnings for a better world in its wake. Were the dimensions of the catastrophe that threatens less vast and its import less tragic, one might be tempted to indulge in speculation as to the terms and colours in which the historian and fiction writer of the late seventies of the century would be impelled to portray the suicidal madness that, during the middle, afflicted mankind. 71. That which gives to our reflections an even more sombre tinge is the fact that the Organization has failed to resolve, or to make notable progress towards the resolving of, even those conflicts which, though of grave and ominous import, are in their initial stages confined within more limited dimensions and do not appear to be invested with the quality of inevitability. In their treatment of these conflicts the methods, procedures and remedies adopted and applied by the relevant organs of the United Nations have not been such as to enhance the prestige and authority of the Organization, to inspire confidence in its working and operations, or to win general applause for the moral courage of those upon whom responsibility has, from time to time, primarily rested. We are bound, though, to acknowledge that there have been notable and refreshing exceptions. The futility of the Organization in these cases has not been subject to discount even on the score of speed. Its failures have been leisurely. 72. It is a matter for consolation, and we may draw some comfort from the reflection, that with respect to its other aims and purposes, the Organization has not failed altogether and has not wholly belied its promise. Indeed, in many respects, the record of what it is seeking to achieve and the progress it has made is gratifying. Peace is our constant necessity, like the air that we breathe. Its failure at any moment would plunge us headlong into chaos, misery and destruction. We can take no chances where the maintenance of peace is concerned. With respect to our other problems, though we cannot afford at this late stage to be neglectful or complacent, progress is bound to be by stages, though there is no reason why it should be slow. Indeed, there are many considerations of a pressing nature which demand its acceleration. 73. True, six years is but a passing moment in the life of humanity. No sane person expects that all the accumulated ills and the bewildering maladjustments that afflict and torment mankind should be cured and adjusted overnight, as it by magic. We acknowledge that in the economic, social and humanitarian fields, the record of the achievements of the United Nations and the specialized agencies and the selfless devotion of many of their officers and employees is worthy of deep appreciation and generous encouragement. 74. To all those who have been engaged in designing and implementing these projects we pay our tribute. We may, however, be permitted expression of the hope that the scope of these efforts and projects will be widely extended and that the pace of their implementation will be speeded up. 75. There are certain other fields, notably that of establishing equal rights and securing the exercise of self-determination of peoples, in which progress has not been satisfactory, but there the responsibility does not rest directly upon the United Nations; it rests largely upon individual Members, and from this category we naturally do not exclude ourselves. The record of every one of us, we believe, would exhibit many items of credit as well as of debit. I desire to assure the representatives that our expression of approval or disapproval, of praise or blame, our pleadings and exhortations, do not proceed from any feeling of self-righteousness, but solely from a humble desire to be of service. 76. We constantly remind ourselves of our own obligations and the extent to which we fall short in their fulfilment, but we are willing to be reminded and are not resentful of just admonition. We shall. I hope, be always found ready to perform what we have promised and to render cheerfully what may be due from us. This is a pledge we feel we shall not find difficult to redeem, for our obligations can only be in proportion to our capacity. With the enlargement of our capacity, we shall be eager to assume and to discharge heavier obligations. 77. Permit me to offer some observations upon a subject which involves both deep sentiments and delicate sensibilities. It is, however, a matter of the gravest importance, and a great part of our frustrations with regard to the maintenance of international peace stems directly from it, though there is perceptible in certain quarters a determination to refuse to recognize the connexion. We approach the subject from the purely humanitarian point of view and in no spirit of criticism or condemnation. 78. Part of our own default in this connexion we shall here attempt in some slight decree to repair in conformity with the injunction of the Prophet of Islam: “Go to the help of your brother whether oppressor or oppressed”. When asked in what manner may the oppressor be helped, he replied: “Restrain him from proceeding with the oppression”. In the instance we have in mind, the “oppressor” is not an individual or a nation; it is a false notion, a vicious principle, an immoral relationship, which today, in the middle of the twentieth century, is universally condemned and repudiated, but which in actual fact obstinately persists in fouling the channels of human intercourse and in breeding the ills and disorders which continue to frustrate and detract from all beneficent effort towards the promotion of human welfare. It has been designated by various names. We prefer to describe it as domination and exploitation of a group by a group, a people by a people, a race by a race, in any sphere of human relations, political, economic, religious or other. 79. We approach this problem from a purely human point of view. In our judgment any relationship, whether established by the use of force, direct or indirect, or the employment, let us say, of diplomacy — not to use any harsher description — even though evidenced by the articles of a constitution, convention, treaty, engagement or agreement, if it has resulted from domination or exploitation, is vicious and evil and must be speedily terminated. Such a relationship operates to degrade both the dominator and the dominated, the exploiter and the exploited. No arrangement can, in our view, claim moral validity, which is not arrived at between the representatives of a free people occupying a position of equality vis-a-vis their opposite numbers and subject to no pressure or coercion of any description. 80. In the Charter, we have proclaimed the reaffirmation of our faith in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and our respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. Nevertheless, there persists in certain quarters, evidenced by policies pursued and attitudes assumed, the notion, for instance, that the assumed superiority of those who choose to describe themselves as the white races over those whom they regard as the non-white races derives its justification from some sort of a “divine right to rule”. This will, I am sure, provoke indignant repudiation from many and we recognize that in a large number of cases the repudiation would be sincere and justified, but not in all. 81. Four years ago Britain set a courageous example by carrying through a measure of unique political faith unprecedented in constitutional history. It agreed by a voluntary act to the establishment of the independent States of Pakistan, India, Burma and Ceylon. We take this opportunity of testifying to our deep sense of appreciation of and gratification for this act of faith and courage. Our motive will, therefore, not be open to question or suspicion of I proceed to illustrate what I have said with regard to the consequences which flow from a relationship of dominance and dependence by citing an instance with which one had become familiar in India during the British regime. It may perhaps come as a surprise even to the United Kingdom delegation. But it is a striking illustration of the devices to which the instruments of even beneficently inclined dominant Powers may be compelled to have recourse for the purpose of upholding their prestige and maintaining their authority. 82. This is the instance. In the rural areas of the part of the country with which I am familiar, the Commissioner of a division was authorized to grant to any person whose loyalty to and zeal on behalf of the administration had been found to be above reproach, a certificate to the effect that that person, when calling on British officers, was entitled to be offered a chair. This badge of approbation was not lavishly bestowed, though that is beside the point. This did not mean that no other visitor would be invited to sit down when calling on a British officer. It did mean, however, that a British officer would be acting quite correctly if he did not invite respectable gentlemen from the countryside when calling on him to sit down, except in the case of those who were the happy possessors of a certificate to which I have referred. I have known instances in which, out of half a dozen or more visitors, a district officer had invited one to take a chair while the rest had to stand through a protracted interview, not because chairs were not available but because in their case the certificate was lacking! 83. Now one has always understood that a gentleman owes it to himself to extend courtesy and to show respect to his visitors and that the degree of loyalty to and zeal on behalf of an administration does not enter into the question at all. Here is an instance in which gentlemen brought up in traditions of culture and courtesy were, as an indispensable measure for the upholding of prestige and, the maintenance of authority, deliberately trained to adopt an attitude which tended to reduce them, and sought to reduce their visitors, to a level below that permissible in the case of gentlemen. The whole system of domination is impregnated with that spirit. This spirit cannot be changed without complete abolition of the system. Those who are dominated cannot be accepted as their equals by the instruments through which domination is exercised. On occasion, arrogance may be tempered with condescension, but the mixture is even more nauseating than the plain article. 84. The truth is that a dominant Power or authority which treats those over whom the domination is exercised as equals hastens the day when the domination must come to an end. Until that becomes not only the declared but also the sincerely desired objective, a dominant authority and its instruments on the spot cannot afford to act otherwise. No scope is thus left for the practical demonstration of any faith that may be entertained in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women, or for showing respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. 85. As was truly observed by Mr. John Foster Dulles a few weeks ago at San Francisco — and with one slight variation I quote — “Dignity cannot be developed by those subject to alien control, however benign. Self-respect is not felt by those who have no right of their own in the world, who live on charity and who trade on sufferance. Regard for justice rarely emanates from those who are subject to such grave injustice as the denial of freedom. Fellowship is not the custom of people who are denied fellowship”. These are the words of a great American, of a great citizen of the world. 86. The illustration I have cited is the mildest I can think of. It is not my purpose to present to the Assembly a detailed indictment of the system. None is, I hope, today needed. If any should, however, be disposed to make the facile assumption that these and other similar devices and incidents are a matter of past history, let me furnish them with another instance from a colonial area. A few weeks ago it was brought to my notice that a respectable Pakistani citizen, with regard to whose antecedents I was completely satisfied and whom I knew to be a person of integrity and one who could be relied upon to conduct himself with due courtesy and propriety in any situation, had been subjected to rude and unmannerly behaviour By a district officer in a particular colony where this gentleman is engaged in activities of a purely humanitarian description. The incidents were reported to me in detail. I took steps to have the matter brought to the notice of the proper authorities of the colonial Power concerned. Their reply has just been communicated to me and is as follows — I, of course, omit mention of proper names. “This office have caused a full enquiry to be made into this incident, which has been investigated by the Governor. It emerges from this that Mr. ‘M’ ”, the gentleman concerned, “was, as he states in his representation, addressed by the District Officer on the boat and subsequently asked to attend at his office for an interview. Mr. ‘M’ has, however, seriously misrepresented the way in which the District Officer conducted the interview and in particular, the Governor is satisfied that his allegations of personal discourtesy on the part of the District Officer are quite unfounded. The District Officer has a duty to preserve the peace of his district in which he is generally responsible for the orderly state of affairs, and, as I am , sure you will realize, he was within his rights, in the exercise of this responsibility, to enquire into the status and movements within his district of a person whom both the authorities generally and he personally had already some reason to regard as a potential troublemaker. Mr. ‘M’ has been involved in similar incidents in the colony in the past, and this is unfortunately not the first time that on close investigation complaints lodged by him against the authorities have proved to be unfounded 87. Alas, this sounds only too familiar! This is a typical illustration of the attitude of these authorities towards any person who should dare to comport himself, while within the limits of their jurisdiction, as a self-respecting individual, insisting on some regard being had to the dignity of the human person. Let the Charter proclaim the sanctity of fundamental human rights, the dignity and worth of the human person, the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples; but let no man in a dependent area set to a dependent people the intolerable example of holding himself erect in dignity and of daring to imagine that however high his own standards of integrity, purity, service and devotion, his word would be accepted by those who exercise colonial authority when he calls in question their lack of courtesy and their insulting arrogance. This is the spirit that, we venture to repeat, pervades the whole system. It is this spirit that impels us to proclaim afresh our dedication to the cause of freedom of all peoples of whatever race or colour from the domination of any other people, however exalted in their own estimation. 88. The passion behind this dedication is all the fiercer on account of the experience of alien domination through which large sections of the peoples of Asia and Africa have recently passed and to which many of them are still subject. They are puzzled and bewildered by the resistance offered by certain colonial Powers to the achievement of full independence by peoples who are subject to their rule or authority. The ready acceptance of the right of self-determination — as witness the Charter of the United Nations — is in glaring contrast with the steady refusal to permit the right to be exercised. Some parts of Asia and large parts of Africa are still subject to alien rule and are being kept from the exercise of that right. Indeed, out of Africa, a vast continent stretching for thousands of miles to the north and south of the equator and over many degrees of longitude, there are represented here only four countries, though we look forward to the early admission of a fifth. These five constitute together but. a fraction of that vast continent, both in terms of area and of people. This in the eyes of the Asiatic and African peoples constitutes the biggest political problem of the day. It behoves those who desire to prove both to themselves and to others that they are devoted to the cause of freedom to give practical proof of such devotion by assuming leadership in the cause of the political freedom of dependent peoples. Till this is demonstrated beyond doubt, their claim will continue to ring hollow and will fail to convince. 89. Those that are dominated are our brothers, and they accept us as such. We are equally ready to welcome those who dominate also as our brothers, if they would persuade themselves to condescend to accept that relationship. We are sincerely friendly to both. We have no bias in favour of the one or against the other. We believe that the universal brotherhood of man, visibly established, would work to the benefit and uplift of all. It is only a short-sighted view of what the dominant peoples choose to regard as their interests that prevents them from seeing the matter as we see it. We are convinced that a great part of the causes that lead to armed conflicts would be eliminated, and the clogged channels of beneficence and benevolence between sections of the human family would begin to run freely once the principles that ought to govern human relationships, and which are set out in the Charter, are truly accepted -and sincerely applied. 90. Consider the matter from another aspect. In our judgment one of the principal causes that led to the first and second world wars was this relationship of domination and subordination that prevailed in many areas. The dependent people and their territories were regarded as the property of the dominant Powers to be exploited as they pleased. Certain other Powers could not see the justice of "that arrangement, not because they objected to the principle of domination, but because they felt that their race and colour and increasing military strength qualified them to claim an increasing share of the exercise of this domination. They regarded themselves as better qualified than some of those who were already in a position of domination. We are convinced that, had these Powers not been tempted by these glittering prizes, mistakenly so regarded, there would certainly have been no war in 1914, and almost certainly none in 1939. So long as there is a victim, there will always be aggression. A nation or a people which fancies itself as strong or stronger than a nation or a people exercising domination will always be tempted to try its strength against the latter, to push that nation out from the position of domination and to win it for itself. There is a law of nature governing these matters. It may not be infringed with impunity. These wrongs, inequalities and oppressions, for such they undoubtedly are under whatever name they may be sought to be concealed, must be set right voluntarily, speedily and in all humility. Failing this, nature will exact its penalty in full. Indeed, the exaction is already in process plainly perceivable by those who possess the vision. 91. In this bi-millenary year of this beautiful and gracious city of Paris, in grateful appreciation of the hospitality and courtesy extended to us by the Government and people of France, we join them in proclaiming our practical support of their ideals of liberty, equality and freedom: liberty for the whole of mankind, equality of all men, and brotherhood of the whole of humanity. Any kind of limitation would reduce these noble ideals to a mockery. 92. I venture further to submit that the psychological approach to this problem also needs modification. We often hear of the grant of self-government, the grant of freedom, the grant of independence. The use of this terminology tends to create an impression that self-government, freedom and independence are favours to be bestowed or withheld at the pleasure of those who have succeeded in placing themselves in a position of domination. So long as that continues to be the prevailing notion, those who are dominated will be driven to wage a struggle to force those in the dominant position to agree to the grant of freedom. This must involve secret plotting, riots, disturbances, disorders, class struggle, revolts and fears. It is necessary to proclaim without equivocation that freedom from domination is an inherent right, the exercice of which may be assumed at any moment by those to whom it belongs. In the meantime, those whom the accidents or misfortunes of history have placed in a position of domination must assume the full obligations of trusteeship, becoming accountable for the administration of their trusts. 93. The Charter contains provisions relating to Non-Self-Governing Territories. They are of a very limited and modest scope. Even these are constantly sought to be evaded by all sorts of camouflages. We are beginning to be told that a particular territory has ceased to be non-self-governing though it has not yet become self-governing, or mat it has become self-governing though it is not yet independent, or that it has become independent though it is not yet fully sovereign. These are meaningless distinctions. It must be recognized that a territory does not cease to be non-self-governing until it becomes fully sovereign and qualified to become a Member of the United Nations, able in every respect to carry out the obligations of the Charter. 94. The problem next in urgency that demands attention is the practical substitution of economic co-operation in place of economic exploitation and domination. In thill field progress has been more encouraging, as witness the progress of technical assistance and the Colombo Plan! but the steps hitherto taken and the activities so far set in I motion are but a fraction of what is so urgently and pitifully needed. No ideology however beneficent can ever become an adequate substitute for food, clothing, shelter and health. Bodies of men who are continuously exposed to hunger, disease and the inclemencies of weather and climate tend to become desperate. When hope of relief or amelioration for themselves and, even more, for their children, becomes dim or disappears, the frenzy of despair will often take its place. In such a situation neither religion nor ideology may avail to furnish comfort and consolation or to help maintain sanity of outlook. 95. The Prophet of Islam gave expression to this grim reality over thirteen centuries ago in the words: “Destitution will often drive a man even to the repudiation of faith”. Over large parts of Asia and Africa a vast percentage of the population is hard put to it to maintain itself above the level of destitution. Many, as has already been observed, are still subject to direct political domination and economic exploitation. If this is not speedily remedied and radically altered, storms and stresses may be set in motion which may soon assume the shape and proportions of an avalanche. These semi-destitute peoples are coming awake, sitting up, looking around and taking note of their own conditions of privation and the waste and indifference of those to whom much has been given. This gives a keener edge to their suffering and travail. 96. Through the amazing speed of scientific progress in recent years, mankind is fast becoming one family and, though it is true that the main effort must be made by the peoples and governments of the regions that are handicapped by deficient economies, beneficial co-operation between different sections has become an essential condition of healthy progress. The bounties of Providence have been so distributed that each section stands in need of assistance from others while being in a position to render valuable, sometimes vital, assistance in return. 97. There are conflicts enough facing us today. Let us not needlessly add to them. The only manner in which we can obviate further conflicts is to put our conduct in conformity with our decided and accepted principles. Any other course is bound to promote conflict rather than peace and to invite its own nemesis. 98. As is said in the Koran, “It is greatly displeasing in the sight of God that you should proclaim that which you do not”. 99. Our final observation is, all praise is due to God, the Sustainer of all the Universes. Exalted be His Name.