In addressing this august Assembly today, I wish solemnly to reaffirm the unshakeable faith of my country in the United Nations. 86. The geographical position of Iran at the cross-roads, of the Middle East imposes upon us special responsibilities, with regard to international peace and security. We are aware of our duty and so have always supported the Organization to the best of our ability. Our foreign policy is and has always been based on the Charter, and we hope that the sincere application of the principles of that instrument will eventually produce a tranquil atmosphere in which all nations can make economic and social progress. 87. Although the principal purpose of the United Nations, is to save mankind from the scourge of war, which has brought untold sorrow, another of its purposes is to establish the conditions necessary for the maintenance of international justice and for the improvement of the standard of living of all peoples. The Charter also lays down in so many words that the United Nations should be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends. 88. In surveying the work already accomplished, we must acknowledge that satisfactory results have been achieved in certain spheres. Effective intervention by the Organization has prevented the aggravation of international disputes. Nevertheless, it would be idle to allege that all the hopes which the small nations have placed and still place in the United Nations have been fulfilled. Of course we understand the difficulties which such an organization encounters, and we can conceive the great efforts which it must make to overcome them. We also know that great goodwill has been manifested in order to facilitate the task and to make of the United Nations, as is laid down in the Charter, the supreme refuge where all nations, great and sir all, can co-operate on an equal footing to ensure their common well-being. Nevertheless, we still have a long and difficult road ahead of us before we can reach our goal. Our Organization is capable of making the necessary effort and is the only body which, in the existing circumstances, can fulfil the tense expectation of the peoples. We remain faithful supporters of this Organization and, because we desire it to avoid the setbacks which were fatal to the former League of Nations, we take the liberty of submitting today some comments, which we think may contribute to its equilibrium and vitality. 89. Our first remark is addressed to the great Powers. As permanent members of the Security Council, they bear the heaviest responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Indeed, the failure of the United Nations folly to achieve its aims is due to the differences between the great Powers. We do not consider that they have done everything possible to resolve these differences, since, if they had made every effort to settle their disputes according to justice and law, the Organization would have been able to operate under better conditions. Unfortunately, six years, after a murderous and merciless war the difficulties, instead of progressively diminishing, seem to have increased. We are now faced with a divided world. The choice which small nations have to make between a number of blocs cannot serve the cause of the United Nations. Nevertheless, we do not believe that the ideological differences between the Members of our Organization are an obstacle to the maintenance of peace. Peoples can live in peace in their own ways if the great Powers try to find common ground with due regard to the interests of all the members of the international community. 90. Another factor in the existing situation — and this is our second remark — is the failure of certain Powers always to respect the political and economic independence of other countries. They have interfered in the internal affairs of these countries, in spite of the explicit provisions of the Charter which recognize the domestic jurisdiction of every State. These Powers have sometimes not shrunk from measures threatening the territorial integrity and political independence of other States. Such activities are absolutely unjustifiable and undoubtedly contrary to the spirit and letter of the Charter. 91. I should like now — and this is my third comment — to address the Powers which have not always favoured the national aspirations of peoples who have lived for many years under systems of political and economic oppression. It is impossible to exaggerate the degree of fundamental evolution which has taken place among those peoples since the beginning of the twentieth century. The impetus of an increased interchange of ideas and of an unprecedented growth of communications has progressively awakened those peoples. This movement of emancipation, which is especially strong in Asia and Africa, cannot be ignored. We sympathize whole-heartedly with the national aspirations of the Islamic countries. 92. The attitude of certain Powers towards this development, their misunderstanding of these national aspirations and rejection of the rightful claims of those peoples, will produce, if not a general catastrophe, at least unfavourable results for mankind in general. We note with regret that the Powers which exploit for their own profit the natural wealth of other countries are unwilling to abandon their privileges. For the sake of justice and peace, is it not essential to renounce this selfish policy and to consider the awakening of nations who wish to attain political and economic independence? The desire of those nations to use their natural wealth to promote the well-being of their people and to raise their standard of living is absolutely normal and comprehensible. This is a vital problem. It would be disastrous for the whole international community to temporize any longer and to bargain over the national aspirations of peoples. It is high time to realize this. 93. Although I do not intend to refer here to all the factors which may disturb the peace, I should like to dwell on one which is of vital importance. This will be my fourth remark. I wish to draw attention to the poverty and destitution which prevail among two-thirds of the inhabitants of the world and represent an outstanding threat to world peace. Only by alleviating the misery of mankind, only by improving the standard of living of the greater part of mankind, can peace be established on a solid and unshakeable foundation. 94. This aim is within our jurisdiction and, as I recalled earlier, is formulated in the Charter itself. It is our duty to combat social evils and to establish genuine economic and social co-operation among all nations. We can accomplish this urgent work. The economic plans for under-developed countries can assist very effectively in its performance. Exchange of technical knowledge within a scheme of international co-operation would contribute much towards achieving our aims. But these programmes, in order to be effective and facilitate the progress of the less advanced nations, must be planned on an international level. Only thus can they lead to the well-being of peoples, which is an indispensable condition of stable, peaceful relations. 95. Under-developed countries need the experience of more advanced nations. But this co-operation must be based on absolute equality, for it is essential to recall that certain developed nations have tended in the past to consider themselves superior to others, not only from the point of view of technical development, which would be comprehensible, but also ethically and racially. Such an attitude is wrong and dangerous. While agreeing to co-operate with the advanced nations, the under-developed countries intend to retain their national rights, and especially the sacred right of self-determination. Genuine international co-operation presupposes the free disposal by peoples of their natural wealth. That is the keystone of peace. Advanced States cannot provide technical assistance and at the same time exploit the wealth of less-developed countries, as they often have. 96. Fortunately, our Organization has always been aware of this vital problem. From its earliest days, especially at the time the Charter was signed, the problem of general security has seemed to us inseparable from the struggle against ignorance, disease and poverty. In order to inspire and stimulate economic and social progress in underdeveloped countries, the United Nations has adopted technical assistance plans in various fields. For this work the United Nations and its specialized agencies deserve much credit. Nevertheless such plans, even if executed on an adequate scale, are insufficient in themselves, especially in view of their limited aims and of budgetary difficulties. 97. One of the greatest difficulties which confronts retarded countries is lack of funds to finance their economic development. It was hoped, justifiably, that the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development would provide those countries with at least part of the funds necessary to establish and accelerate the plans. Unfortunately, the Bank has not only faded to carry out the intentions or its founders in this connexion, but has also often greatly disappointed underdeveloped countries. Its action, or rather its inaction, has sometimes even hampered the plans made by these countries. Indeed, its existence and the hopes to which it gave rise have prevented these countries from obtaining the necessary equipment by other means when they could still do so. Even if there were still hope of obtaining a loan, it should be emphasized that the cost of equipment has more than doubled. In the five years of its existence the Bank has applied less than 600 million dollars to development projects. Considering that 80 per cent of mankind belongs to the under-developed countries, the Bank may justly be said to have failed in one of its principal aims. 98. Iran has special reason to complain of the policy pursued by the bank; but, as we do not wish to take up any more of the General Assembly’s valuable time, we reserve the right to return to this question on suitable occasions in the competent committees. 99. These are the remarks I wish to make to you today. In dwelling on some of our present difficulties I have no desire to under-estimate the work undertaken by the United Nations or to give way to the fatalism of despair. On the contrary, I wish to draw the attention of representatives to the problems which endanger international peace and security and may threaten the very existence of our Organization. 100. We should always bear in mind the anxiety which preys upon all mankind. We should be aware of the servitude and hardship afflicting a very large part of mankind. We should also never forget the fear of war which constantly weighs on all minds. Fortunately for us, the road to disaster is by no means inevitable, as certain persons think, and our Organization can and must take the necessary steps to save humanity from the catastrophe. In order to ensure peace, we must act with goodwill and candour, and abandon forever the idea of exploiting human communities. 101. Of course the collective security measures in the famous resolution [177 (V)] on“ Uniting for Peace” may prove effective. Of course the report of the Collective Measures Committee may be useful and lay the foundation of the General Assembly’s future work in this direction. Nevertheless, our most urgent task is to determine the factors which arc disturbing the peace and to try to eliminate their causes. That is why we felt that we should give our views on this subject. We are convinced that, if these ideas are taken into account, real co-operation can be established among nations and the general welfare resulting there from is bound to strengthen the foundations of world peace. 102. Representatives would be surprised if the Iranian representative restricted himself to these general considerations without touching on a question fundamental to the economic and social policy of his country: the nationalization of the oil industries. 103. I have already recalled the duties undertaken by each Member State under the Charter to promote the welfare of its people. Precisely in order to fulfil its duties, both national and international, Iran, after fifty years’ bitter experience with a foreign company which, not content with taking the lion’s share of our national wealth, has unscrupulously exploited the country and its people, has unanimously decided to nationalize its oil industries. 104. I have no intention of enlarging upon our grievances against the former Anglos Iranian Oil Company, nor on the difficulties created to prevent us from implementing our social reform programme. I merely wish to say a few words to refute the baseless accusations which have been wrongly made against us. 105. As you know oil is the main source of our national wealth. It is therefore proper that we can countenance its exploitation only as a way of ensuring the general welfare of our people. As hitherto organized the oil industry has never contributed to this aim and, what is worse, has not contributed effectively to the technical and industrial progress of our country. 106. This truth was stressed by the United Nations experts in their report on the economic situation of the Middle East (I refer to document E/1910/Add.2/Rev. 1 of 31 January 1951). They conclude with the following words: “ There is, therefore, a striking contrast between the huge potential wealth represented by the oil reserves of the Middle East and the current benefits so far derived by the countries to which the reserves belong ”, 107. We shall illustrate the truth of this observation taking a few figures at random. In 1948, for example, according to the balance sheet published by the former Anglo-Iranian Oil Company — which, by the way, could never be checked by the Iranian authorities — that Company reaped a net profit of 62 million pounds. The total amount of royalties and taxes accruing to Iran in 1948 was 9,800,000 pounds, whereas the Government of the United Kingdom, quite apart from the dividend from its shares in the company, obtained more than 28 million pounds sterling in taxes alone. That is the derisory revenue which our country used to obtain from its main source of natural wealth. 108. That is only the financial side of the question. What was even less tolerable was the interference of the former Company in our internal affairs, its underhand manoeuvres and its machiavellian intrigues to keep us in a constant state of dependence and thus better exploit us. 109. What country valuing its independence and dignity could tolerate such a situation? We have ended it in order to establish our oil industry on a new basis, better befitting our independence and more likely to ensure the welfare of our people. In doing this we have exercised an unchallengeable right inherent in our national sovereignty. 110. Under international law the nationalization of any industry is a sovereign right of every nation. A contract concluded with a private company cannot limit its sovereignty. Every State may nationalize property belonging to aliens by compensating the persons affected. 111. The Iranian legislature has made specific provision in Articles 2 and 3 of the Act of 28 and 30 April 1951 for compensating the former company. Moreover, the Iranian Government has on several occasions invited the representatives of the former Company to come and discuss compensation. We have declared ourselves ready to follow various procedures for this purpose, particularly the one adopted by other countries which have carried out nationalization policies. It is the Company which has refused so far. 112. The broad terms of our legislation and the choice offered by our Government to the former Company show, beyond any possible doubt, that the accusations that Iran has confiscated property are without foundation and constitute vain attempts to arouse the hostility of world opinion, against our country. 113. It is altogether wrong to allege that Iran has violated international law. On the contrary, our Parliament has definitely acted in accordance with international law. The Iranian Government rightly feels that no international body is competent to consider the nationalization which it has undertaken. Our action is in fact legal. The only question to be settled is that of the compensation to be paid to the former Company. That is a purely domestic matter which concerns only this Company and the Iranian Government. That the problem has not yet been settled is not our fault but that of the former Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, which refuses our invitation to come and discuss compensation. The action taken by the Iranian Government cannot therefore be regarded as confiscation of alien property. 114. Furthermore my Government, in order to show clearly its desire to co-operate, has emphasized that it was prepared to sell the necessary oil not only to the United Kingdom but also to all customers of the former Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Article 7 of the Act of 28 and 30 April 1951 lays this down unequivocally. Thus those who claim that the Iranian Government is not observing international principles and does not wish to co-operate are either far from the truth or are biased in their judgment. 115. Who is guilty of acting in violation of the principles of international law and of the United Nations Charters? 116. Are we guilty, or are those who, in order to impose their political views and to defend the selfish interests of a company concerned only with its own profits, have resorted to measures of intimidation such as sending warships to the limits of our territorial waters and mobilizing paratroops and land forces in close proximity to us? 117. Are we guilty, or are those who, in violation of international rules, have not hesitated to threaten the territorial integrity and independence of other States? 118. Are we guilty, or are those who exercise economic pressure to impose conditions which can be accepted only at the expense of national independence and dignity? 119. Are we guilty, or are those who desire by their manoeuvres systematically to misrepresent the truth before international bodies? 120. Fortunately the Security Council has remembered its great responsibility and has refused to be influenced by them. 121. The Iranian Government, as a faithful and loyal Member of the United Nations, remains jealous of its independence and sovereignty. The maintenance of peace and of international security, the main purpose of our illustrious Organization, demands that the United Nations should assist Iran in exercising its most natural and unchallengeable right to promote the welfare of its people in accordance with the principles set forth in the Charter. 122. There is no need to recall that the Iranian Government is prepared to participate in any work of international collaboration, but on condition that co-operation is based on the full equality of nations and on justice. It is greatly to be regretted that we are asked to admit that might is right and not asked to co-operate on a dignified and equal footing. This attitude has been condemned by the twentieth century. No country in the Middle East can any longer accept these precepts derived from the colonial policies of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 123. We are convinced, however, that the United Nations will be faithful to the spirit and letter of the Charter and able to frustrate such designs. We are sure that it will assist the peoples of the world to achieve their national aspirations.