I should like first of all to express my delegation’s sincere gratitude for the friendly hospitality offered by this two thousand year old city towards which the hopeful eyes of the world are turned.
72. It is no mere coincidence that the General Assembly of the United Nations is holding its sixth session in a country which is making a magnificent effort at reconstruction in a continent still suffering from the consequences of the Second World War and beset by fresh economic, political and social difficulties. The meetings of the General Assembly, the principal aim of which is to re-establish confidence in the possibility of peoples living peacefully together, cannot find a more propitious setting than this Republic which, after suffering twice in a single generation the horrors of war, draws strength from its painful experiences and hopes for living conditions which will enable it to view the future with optimism.
73. My delegation believes that at such a critical time it is the duty of the small countries to state their opinions here with the greatest clarity and frankness, at least so far as the acute problems troubling humanity and this Organization are concerned, because blind and all-destructive war does not discriminate between small and large nations and relentlessly annihilates all the moral values of the community. The voice of countries which are not expected, on account of their geographical situation or their slender material resources, to assume the responsibility of moulding action, is of particular importance; for, being freed from the pressure of immediate interests and not suffering from the confusion of innumerable problems which constantly require the adoption of definite positions, they perhaps come closest to being able to present a comprehensive view and so convey the opinion of the common man, or, to put it differently, international public opinion. It is not difficult to trace the origins of the present crisis. Those of us who represented our countries at San Francisco in 1945 and signed the Charter there, hoping that we had succeeded in establishing an international organization which would maintain peace and collective security, have witnessed how, in the space of a few weeks, some peoples lost the freedom for which the democratic world had had to fight.
74. There has been a systematic encouragement of underground political activities, of subversion of the existing order, of the violent replacement of independent regimes by others unconditionally subservient to foreign Powers, of the mockery of human dignity, the annexation of territories, and the constant refusal to sign peace treaties which would end conflicts once and for all.
75. The mere enumeration of geographical names known to all of us is an eloquent indication of the state of slavery of many peoples which were solemnly promised that the free exercise of their rights would be restored and their security protected. An identical pattern would seem to be discernible in the events following both of the world wars. At the end of the First World War, an effort was made to establish an international organization which would safeguard the freedom of peoples, their self-determination, observance of the obligations undertaken and the protection of peace. After a few years the League of Nations found itself first threatened and then destroyed by new forms of imperialism which replaced those annihilated shortly before by the democratic countries at the cost of every kind, of effort and sacrifice.
76. At San Francisco the four freedoms appeared to be a new and luminous cross stretching out its arms to envelop the world in an eternal resurgence of peace. Now, however, we are witnessing the decay of a system which arose at the end of the First World War as a reaction against the excesses of power and the abuses of capitalism. The doctrine set forth by the founders of that movement brought hope to the poor and was the signal for many of the coming of a new order: equality of opportunity, equitable distribution of wealth and the elimination of arms as a means of settling disputes.
77. In every corner of the world there were people who believed in the truth of those theories and in the sincerity of their aims. The seed took root in the soul of millions of men of good faith. Now, however, there is an unbridgeable gap between the original pronouncement and the present attitude of the leaders of the regime. Thus, in the economic field the action undertaken by the international body and particularly by the under-developed countries has found them remiss in the accomplishment of their duties; and in the social and political field it may be asked: What principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and what standards of democratic action have they respected?
78. All this points clearly to the responsibility of those leaders, but it also imposes a no less clear obligation on the statesmen and peoples of the democratic world. Some have already suffered the bitter disillusionment of seeing the apostles of a movement which called itself a movement of liberation taking the path of imperialism. It is unnecessary here to refer also to the disillusionment and despair of those who put their faith in democracy. Democracy must not abandon its heritage of spiritual attributes, but it must realize that the seed of disintegration takes root more strongly in the soil of economic and social distress.
79. It is a noble truth that man will fight indefatigably for his ideals; but it is no less true that a humanity torn by two successive wars requires something more than illusions to enable it to remain strong and vigilant in defence of its freedom.
80. Chile resolutely supports the three-Power statement on disarmament. We consider that it would, in a constructive way, help to end the present international tension and ease the economic burden of the countries which, directly or indirectly, are bearing the weight of the armaments race. In our opinion, there is not a single point in that programme which can in all honesty be repudiated.
81. I think that I may add my voice to the voice of all small countries which are feeling the consequences of the present international situation and which, owing to their weak economy, are unable to absorb the impact of present economic and social conditions. We are speaking for the hopeful masses when we claim your attention for the tragic spectacle of ever-increasing social and economic injustice.
82. To speak in concrete terms, we believe that the search for an understanding to put an end to the present extremely serious situation must not be abandoned. What we should like to see is direct contact between the leaders of the major Powers; a considered and objective study of the disarmament plan; the signing of those peace treaties which have been so unfairly deferred, with provision for equitable treatment of former enemy nations; and the admission to membership of the international Organization of all countries accepting the obligations of the Charter. In particular, Chile sympathetically supports the just aspirations of the Italian people.
83. The collective work of the United Nations has made a great contribution towards the establishment of the rules of international relations as accepted by all civilized peoples. The persevering work of the specialized agencies is clear evidence of their effectiveness. The acceptance of women as intelligent collaborators on equal terms has made for harmony in their work and has infused charm into their mission. Results in economic matters would have been even better had not the circumstances of which I have spoken interfered.
84. There are, however, a few words I should like to add in this connexion. In a few months, Chile will be ending its six years’ term of office in the Economic and Social Council; Chile was elected to the Council when the United Nations first began to function, and its term was renewed in 1948. While we were members of the Council, we had only one object: to comply faithfully, strictly and diligently with the letter and spirit of the Charter, which clearly stipulates that the duties connected with collective security are indivisible from the duty to co-operate in raising standards of living and in ensuring social progress and the rule of fundamental human rights.
85. On leaving the Economic and Social Council, we see with great satisfaction that, with our enthusiastic cooperation, the first steps have been taken in decisive international action for promoting the economic development of under-developed countries. A technical assistance programme is already under way, and the basis has been laid for large-scale international financing of corresponding development programmes. We trust that the Council, following the lead given by the Assembly, will carry this work to a successful conclusion.
86. When we were elected by the Assembly to a seat on the Economic and Social Council, we were expected some extent to represent the Latin American continent, as the Charter itself indicates. We should like to say at this stage to our colleagues of Latin America that never for one moment during the last six years did we forget this honourable duty of representation.
87. We strove steadfastly to achieve those objectives which, while of universal interest, most closely and urgently affected our Latin America, as well as those, such as the protection of fundamental human rights and dignity, which take pride of place in the spiritual heritage of our peoples.
88. The work done in the Committee on Collective Measures constitutes, beyond any doubt, a most important and historical development in the field of international cooperation and solidarity.
89. Korea has both a symbolic and a real significance. It represents the first co-ordinated action taken by the Members of the international Organization to support the principles of the Charter by concrete deeds; it is, further, an instance of the state of insecurity which has spread all over the globe through the international tension.
90. The Chilean people and its Government wish to make an earnest appeal for agreement and an honourable settlement of the differences which have arisen and which threaten to destroy us. We bear no responsibility for the origins of the present international crisis, and yet, in spite of that, we should find ourselves the victims in any outbreak of violence, just as would other nations which are as little responsible as we are.
91. For that reason, and because we understand that confused reasoning or pride can vitiate any peaceful solution, we advocate a strengthening of the system of collective security; however, at the same time, we urge that such an effort should not entail the sacrifice of the living conditions which have engendered the democratic ideal in all free men.
92. The steadily growing faith in this democratic ideal will help to strengthen the international Organization, and this ever-growing solidarity will be the soundest guarantee of stable peace and of confidence in a better future for mankind.