Netherlands

30. May I be permitted, first of all, to offer Mrs. Pandit the most sincere congratulations on the part of the Netherlands delegation upon her election to the high office which she now so graciously occupies. I have the greatest confidence that she will give this Assembly the wise and impartial guidance of which it stands in need for the successful performance of its task. 31. The eighth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will not be the only international gathering to claim the attention of the world during the current year. It may well be that it will not even be the most important one. Our session here in New York will feel the influence of three other international conferences which — if all goes well — will meet elsewhere in the world. The issues to be discussed there will be left untouched, or almost untouched, in our deliberations. But the whole international situation will nevertheless to a considerable degree undergo the impact of what is or is not achieved at those other gatherings. The three conferences which I have in mind are the political conference on the future of Korea, the four-Power conference concerning Germany and Austria, and the conference recently opened on the statute of a European political community. 32. It is not my intention to enlarge here in detail upon problems which have not been submitted to the United Nations. “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof”, and sufficient unto the eighth session of the General Assembly are the cares thereof. Indeed, we need not go in search of extra-curricular worries. The only reason I mention the three other conferences is to remind us here of the wider political framework within which some of the seventy-three items of our agenda must be evaluated. During the coming weeks we in New York cannot afford to neglect entirely that which is maturing elsewhere. The influence thereof will eventually make itself felt in many of the problems now before us. 33. The future of Germany and of Korea is to be the subject matter of highly significant exchanges of views. This autumn a new effort will be made to close a tragic chapter of the recent past. In the Armistice Agreement, the parties concerned have agreed to call a political conference on Korea. As concerns Germany, an invitation to a four-Power conference has been sent to the Soviet Union. Only bad faith on the part of the Soviet Union could cause such an effort to fail. Today both Germany and Korea still are divided nations for the main reason that the victors of the Second World War remain unable to agree on the conditions for a just and reasonable peace treaty with Germany and for the unification of a free, independent and democratic Korea. 34. Those unsolved consequences of war have for a number of years remained a serious threat to real peace. In Germany we witnessed dangerous conflicts about Berlin when the Soviet authorities chose to deny access to those parts of the city administered by the other occupying Powers. In Korea the United Nations, for three long years, had to wage war in defence of the very principles of the Charter. Neither in Berlin nor in Korea has it as yet proved possible to work out a satisfactory solution. 35. Today we face a situation which differs little, if at all, from the dividing lines drawn at the close of the Second World War. The great conflict of our day, which has led to the continuation of this unfortunate dismemberment both of Germany and of Korea, is responsible for our deep anxieties, just as it has caused our impotence in many other sectors of international conflict. Thus the past throws its shadow over this Assembly. It clouds our horizon when we talk about such matters as disarmament or the future of the Charter. It darkens our endeavours towards the economic development of under-developed countries or our care for refugees. It embitters our debates on security or human rights. 36. This is neither the time nor the place to penetrate deeper into the problem of Germany. Nor do I desire to enter into the substance of the Korean question. As to these issues, the United Nations knows perfectly well, and has repeatedly stated, who it was that fomented the situations which endangered the peace and who did not. The United Nations is also fully aware of the fact that both these issues could readily be solved, provided the peoples of Germany and Korea were allowed, in East and West, in North and South, to avail themselves of that right of self-determination which is allegedly being held in such high esteem by some who in reality are bent upon destroying it. Free elections in the whole of Germany and in the whole of Korea could settle the pending issues justly and rightly. The United Nations is not in doubt as to who oppose this self-determination or these free elections and who do not. There is consequently no need for me to demonstrate what is common knowledge and abundantly clear to all of us. But it is useful to recall these facts at the outset of our proceedings. 37. It is therefore fitting that this General Assembly should bear in mind the fact that in the coming months security and self-determination are elsewhere equally at issue. Nor should we forget who in these other meeting places have the Charter on their side. May this awareness increasingly fortify the solidarity of the great majority of the Members of the United Nations during this eighth session and thereafter. 38. During the years there have been moments when within the United Nations an overwhelming consensus has manifested itself. Only as recently as four weeks ago we witnessed such a unity of opinion, when fifty-three Member States expressed their satisfaction on the issue of the first collective military action under the banner of the United Nations. Only five Members voted against. Now we know that, according to the nature of the problems under discussion, various groupings of countries are formed. But with respect to one issue, that near-unanimity to which I referred a moment ago appears from time to time. That issue arises when we are called upon — and here I quote from the Preamble of the Charter — “to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security”. 39. It is indeed our sincere hope that in other fields too this great measure of unity of mind may be achieved and that at least we may succeed in moderating and restraining our criticisms of one another. Perhaps the awareness of our basic interdependence in respect of our common striving for peace and security may lead us to more unity when dealing with other major problems. This is particularly the case when the problems of Germany and Korea are discussed at the two conferences I have mentioned. Should we succeed there, the shadows of the past will eventually recede and fade away as an ugly dream. 40. The third international conference is concerned with the examination of the statute for a European political community, and not with the removal of the inheritance of the past. It concerns the future. It does not directly affect our immediate problems here. But I would fail in my duty as a member of the government of a European State if I did not voice the hopes awakened in our part of the world by the increasing intensity of European co-operation. 41. It is as yet too early to predict whether the gradually maturing plans for a Western European federal structure will be successful. It is not too early, however, to invite the very serious attention of the Assembly to a development in which a considerable part of Europe, hitherto divided against itself and having twice been the centre of a world war, is now trying to pool its constructive forces. Those of the European partners co-operating in this vital enterprise, and which are represented in the General Assembly, will doubtlessly be mindful of their endeavours in the common European field when dealing with the work before us here. This time it is the future which illuminates the present. If this light should penetrate into the atmosphere of our discussions here, it would not resemble the shadow of the recent past — a sign of death — but rather a promise of hope, the fulfilment of which may become a vitalizing factor for the consolidation of world peace. 42. I now turn for a moment to the work performed by our world Organization during the last year. This time I would prefer to limit myself to a number of the brighter spots in the annals of our recent history. It would of course be easy to declare once again that the United Nations has fallen short of the impatient expectations raised at San Francisco, that the Security Council is frustrated by the lack of unanimity among the great Powers and by the abuse of the veto, and that the economic and social work is not yet sufficiently great to become a determining weight in the scale of political events. It would require no great stretch of imagination to give warning that our Organization is running the risk of deteriorating into a forum where mutual accusation often takes the place of collective effort. All that is true. All that has been repeated so often that I feel disinclined to analyse it once again. 43. I prefer to choose another approach. I prefer to direct our thoughts towards a number of encouraging developments during the past year. I believe that at this moment such an evaluation could perhaps be more instrumental in serving our peaceful ends than the elaborate enumeration of our multiple shortcomings and weaknesses. 44. The political event which during the past year has overshadowed all other developments has been the signing and implementation of the Armistice Agreement in Korea. Nobody can pretend that in and by itself the armistice is a satisfactory and just solution of the Korean problem. But it is by far the most important step for attaining such a satisfactory and just solution and therefore we gratefully welcome it. In this respect I should like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the great sense of self-restraint and moderation shown by the United Nations negotiators at Panmunjom. 45. It is only natural that those especially who so cruelly suffered at the hands of the aggressors should feel a certain frustration and disappointment at the compromise embodied in the armistice. It is, however, more than doubtful whether the attainment to the full of the political goals of the United Nations in the whole of the peninsula would be commensurate with the enormous additional sufferings and destruction that would result from imposing them by force of arms. 46. In an atmosphere of highly dangerous international tension, only moderation in our methods can keep the road to peace open, and my Government likes to believe that along these lines the agreement in Korea has been realized. Therefore, and in the full knowledge that the results so far obtained in Korea cannot be considered as a solution in itself, we are, I think, justified in being grateful for the lesser good which has been achieved. It is altogether fitting to bear testimony to the fact that somewhere in our world the guns have been silenced and that the United Nations, in the spirit of the Charter, has not failed in its primary purpose. 47. It is proper likewise to record the satisfaction with which we have followed the recent session of the Economic and Social Council. I believe that the Member States represented there may look back upon a fruitful and constructive gathering. Undoubtedly they will also remember the excellent and expert manner in which their work was guided by the Belgian Chairman, Mr. Scheyven. 48. That session of the Council demonstrated again how much the quality of the work of an international conference improves when its participants give evidence, even in a modest way, of constructive intentions. This, of course, applies in particular to the Soviet bloc. Where obstruction ceases, the work of the United Nations at once improves. In this connexion the Netherlands Government hopes that the discussions in the General Assembly concerning the financing of economic development will bear fruit, and that the relevant resolutions of the Economic and Social Council will provide a new and forceful stimulus in this field. The preparatory work of the Council in this matter has been useful and merits our serious attention. 49. I should also like to focus attention on two specific fields of activity of the United Nations which serve an essential purpose. I refer to the activities for technical assistance to under-developed countries and to the work of the United Nations for the benefit of refugees. We shall have occasion in the appropriate committees to present our views in greater detail. At this stage I merely wish to say that, in the opinion of my Government, the United Nations has done excellent work in these two fields. I must add, however, that the work has often been too modest in scope. Yet experience has proved that here the United Nations has a specific and vital task. 50. The Netherlands Government in the past has repeatedly raised its voice against any form of waste, financial or otherwise, in the United Nations, and it has often suggested possible economies. We shall continue to do so if and when it becomes necessary. At the same time we should sincerely regret any inclination in the General Assembly for underestimating the financial needs for technical assistance, as well as the needs of the High Commissioner for Refugees. I do not want at this stage to go into details, but I do want to say that in these fields the United Nations is not doing top much but too little. I only hope that this Assembly will examine with the greatest sympathy and understanding the financial implications of this vital and necessary work. Here the United Nations can stimulate new energy or allay great sufferings. Here it has an obvious duty which it cannot and may not neglect. 51. I should now like to recall the fact that the United Nations elected this year a new Secretary-General. The Netherlands Government warmly welcomed the coming into office of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. It is my privilege and pleasure to declare that we place the greatest confidence in the new head of the Secretariat. 52. What we have witnessed of his initial activities confirms our impression that, under the influence of Mr. Hammarskjold’s declared concepts, the morale of the staff has of late considerably improved. The General Assembly, during the beginning of its seventh session, witnessed what might have turned out to be a serious decline in the self-confidence and efficiency of the Secretariat. It is obvious that in such circumstances no organization can perform the highly skilled team-work which we are entitled to expect from the Secretariat. The action of Mr. Hammarskjold, however, as well as the debates on personnel policy during the latter part of the seventh session, has undoubtedly contributed considerably to the restoration of the confidence placed in the Secretariat, as well as to the self-confidence of its members, both individually and collectively. 53. In this connexion I wish to stress the happy significance of the fact that the great Powers in the Security Council could reach agreement on the appointment of the new Secretary-General. Here was an instance — alas, too rarely experienced — of wise cooperation in the general interest. To use a somewhat daring comparison, Mr. Hammarskjold may prove to be — if I may say so — -the first swallow heralding a new summer. 54. Our appreciation for the new Secretary-General in no way makes us forget the great merits of his predecessor. When Mr. Trygve Lie submitted his resignation in the fall of last year, he left behind him a worthy monument both in the political as well as in the material sense. Politically it was he who had been faced with the task of organizing the United Nations machinery from the start and out of next to nothing. He did so with devotion and skill. The impressive new Headquarters may perhaps be called the material expression of the organizational work which it was given to Mr. Trygve Lie to achieve. 55. Finally, may I be allowed to make a few brief remarks about the proposal of the Netherlands Government [A/2442] which may be found in our agenda under item 70. I was happy to record the agreement of the representative of Sweden, and my remarks will express what Mr. Unden has said, because our purpose is simple and is based on paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the Charter, prescribing a discussion at the tenth session of the General Assembly in 1955 on the question as to whether or not to call a special conference for the purpose of reviewing the present Charter. We believe that the deliberations of the tenth session of the General Assembly in this respect can and should be facilitated by preparatory documentation and by the preliminary opinions of Member States. All this may serve as guidance for those who, in 1955, will have to decide on this question. Therefore the preparatory work must start right here and now. 56. It is not our intention at this time to ask the Assembly to commit itself either for or against a revision of the Charter in part or as a whole, but merely to do the necessary spade-work for our activities in 1955. Our present item is therefore of a completely non-political and non-controversial character. We sincerely hope that the General Assembly will judge our proposal in this light. 57. I have confined myself to these few items of our agenda. I am aware of the possibility that in this Assembly there will be serious controversies and sharp differences of opinion. It is to be feared that the discussions will sometimes be bitter and that sometimes with regard to fundamental values disagreement will emerge. Such is the reality of our torn world. But whoever has the privilege to live and work in a democratic State knows that one of the greatest advantages of democracy lies in the fact that people are free to disagree amongst each other. “Du choc des idées jaillit la vérite” is a well-known French phrase. 58. To be allowed to express a different opinion is moreover wholesome, because no human being is wise enough to possess all truth. Consequently the possibility must always remain unimpaired to disagree with the opinions of the majority. On the other hand, a democracy has never truly succeeded when free opposition and genuine differences of opinion were not superseded by a fundamental sense of solidarity and respect for the commonwealth. 59. I therefore fervently hope that in our deliberations here we shall endeavour to respect each other as Members of the United Nations who all are pledged to the Purposes and Principles of the Charter, even if we must sometimes differ about means and methods. Let us not forget that we are all but human mortals and that it is the Lord who sits in the Seat of Judgment and holds dominion over us. He guides our destiny. May His blessing be upon the work of this Assembly.