58. As Mr. Lester Pearson said when laying aside the presidential gavel, the seventh session of the General Assembly of the United Nations could be described as the Korean Assembly. Let us hope and pray that, with the cessation of hostilities in Korea, that particular issue will not continue to dominate the deliberations of this session.
59. The New Zealand Government, while fully aware of the immense and baffling problems which lie ahead, has received the armistice with profound relief and thankfulness. There is relief that the guns are at present silent in a country where for three years the fighting forces have suffered grievous loss and the civilian population unspeakable hardships. There is gratitude to the men of the United Nations forces whose labours and sacrifices have produced this result. There is also, I believe, ground for satisfaction that the United Nations has up to this point performed its international duty.
60. In my opening speech at the Assembly last year [380th meeting] I said that I disagreed with those who were wont to describe our efforts in Korea as a failure. True, we had not progressed as far or as fast as many of us hoped, but our primary objective, to repel aggression, had been achieved. I pause here to emphasize that when we speak of aggression we mean military aggression, not political or ideological aggression. Someone has rightly and aptly said that you cannot kill an idea with bullets, and I think it as well, therefore, to make it plain that we took up arms in Korea to resist military aggression. Political or ideological aggression, unaccompanied by military aggression, needs counter-measures of a different kind.
61. The fact that after these terrible years the whole of Korea is not united and free may seem to some not to warrant any degree of satisfaction with the past or of confidence in the future of the United Nations. The deliberate decision of the United Nations to seek the objective of the unification of Korea by peaceful means is sometimes classed as an act of appeasement. This pessimistic conclusion would be justified if talk about the unification of Korea were no more than a cover for acceptance of the partition of the country. This is not our view of the spirit of the Charter or of the intentions of the United Nations.
62. We have fought back the aggressor and, by so doing, have prevented him from gaining anything from his break of world peace. We have demonstrated that military aggression does not pay. Even when the desired prize of peace seemed within our grasp we held out for months on a point of moral principle — the question of the forcible repatriation of prisoners of war.
63. Our record to date, therefore, should be sufficient to inspire confidence that our declared aim — the unification and rehabilitation of Korea — will be pursued by us tenaciously, though peacefully. I do not minimize the grave difficulties, or attempt to foretell just how or when they may be overcome. But the determination of the United Nations to work resolutely for the reunion of a divided people is a force not to be regarded lightly. Such a reunion would, I believe, be impeded by further recourse to arms, and we can only hope that the measure of peace which has been so dearly won will not be broken by any unilateral resumption of hostilities.
64. Above all, I would express the hope that the holding of the political conference on Korea will not lie delayed by technicalities and those endless procedural disputes which tend to lead only to frustration and despair. So much depends upon this conference for the peace and welfare of the Pacific, and indeed elsewhere in the world, so many hopes turn on its success, that it behooves us all to do everything in our power to ensure that the conference gets under way at the earliest opportunity.
65. The leader of the United States delegation, in his challenging survey, reminded us of the disappointment of great numbers of people in the achievements of our Organization. While the United Nations may not have fulfilled the high hopes of its founders, any disappointment is, I agree, due rather to the fact that people expected the United Nations to fulfil purposes beyond the bounds of practicability, and I would most earnestly remind my fellow representatives that the United Nations, despite its imperfections, is the one body capable of becoming an effective instrument for the preservation of world peace. We can, I feel, derive satisfaction from the fact that in the case of Korea we have for the first time seen an international police force in action.
60. I have always felt that the method by which the United Nations can best exert its influence is through the pacific settlement of disputes. On more than one occasion, back in my own country, I have expressed the view that the democratic nations should he ready at all times to meet conciliation with conciliation, but I regret to say that so far we have not been able to discern much in the way of conciliation from those whose political and ideological conceptions differ so fundamentally from our own. If we could only have some tangible proof, some convincing evidence, of change of heart, rather than merely a change of tactics, on their part, we could face the future with greater hopes or, at any rate, less anxiety.
67. If it is true that there is a will to peace on the part of the Soviet Union, if there is really a change of heart, now is the time to prove it by deeds. The political conference on Korea offers an excellent opportunity for such proof. We are all only too familiar with the frustrations and delays over the peace settlements with Germany and Austria. Surely the conclusion of these two peace treaties must be regarded as one of the tests of Soviet intentions. Surely, after some 250 meetings of deputies of Foreign Ministers have been held, it is too late in the day to argue, as it is now being argued, that a meeting at this level is not the proper forum for the discussion of an Austrian treaty.
68. One further matter upon which the Government of the Soviet Union can give proof of its good intentions is the admission of new Members to the United Nations. At each session of the Assembly numbers of States, in every way qualified for membership, are excluded with monotonous regularity. It would be equally monotonous for me to repeat the arguments we have advanced in favour of their admission. I do not wish to do more, at this stage, than to record my deep regret that nations so fully qualified to enter the United Nations should continue to be excluded. So long as they are excluded, we shall have the spectacle of the United Nations being used by one country as a means of imposing its will upon the rest instead of being, to quote the words of the Charter itself, “a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends”.
69. I was particularly impressed by the following passage in the Secretary-General’s annual report on the work of the Organization: “I hope that the governments will find occasion, in the months and years ahead, to give greater attention to the importance for world peace of extending the scope of international law, of building up respect for its disciplines and of resorting more willingly to the International Court. I hope also that they will reaffirm in their policies the respect they have pledged in the Charter for the independent position of the Secretariat of the United Nations and the recognition there given to the essential role of an international civil service in an irrevocably interdependent world. As Secretary-General, I shall upheld the policies concerning conduct of memlicrs of the Secretariat which are a condition for this interdependence” [ A/2404, page xii].
70. The New Zealand Government endorses the principles laid down in the paragraph I have just read. The need to make all proper use of the International Court of Justice is a matter to which, on more than one occasion, we have drawn attention. No less important are the Secretary-General’s references to the Secretariat, emphasizing as they do the duty of the Member States to uphold and respect the independence of the Secretariat and the correlative duty of the staff of the Secretariat to avoid any conduct which might reflect upon their position as international officials.
71. At the seventh session of the General Assembly [416th meeting], the New Zealand representative drew attention to the importance of developing along sound lines the “jurisprudence” of the Secretariat in personnel matters on the basis of the rules laid down by the General Assembly. If the Secretary-General will permit me again to quote him, may I say that certain words which he used in an address to the United Nations Correspondents’ Association on 10 July 1953 express very clearly the consideration which the New Zealand delegation then had in mind. This is what the Secretary-General said: “I don’t believe very much in general statements and sweeping rulings, but more in orderly developments building up a sound body of rules by decisions in individual cases, creating a kind of common law.”
72. When I addressed the Assembly last year [380th meeting], I gave at some length my country's view on the manner in which the United Nations could assist the administering Powers to promote the welfare of the inhabitants of the Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories. I do not propose to labour again the points I then endeavoured to make. I deeply regret the tendency manifested by some nations to ignore the true nature of the task which confronts the administering Powers. In establishing stable forms of government on a democratic basis, in encouraging development in the economic and social fields, and in promoting the health and welfare of the populations of these territories, the administering Powers have a notable record of achievement. We do well to remember the nature of the obstacles which the administering Powers have overcome in this process.
73. What these problems are in the Trust Territory of Western Samoa, the New Zealand Government has recently explained in a statement of policy regarding the future of the Territory. New Zealand is offering to the Samoan people the opportunity to make known, in a fully representative constitutional convention, their views on the nature of the institutions through which they desire to exercise full powers of self-government. May I quote a few words from this statement : “The recommendations of this Convention, and the date on which the Constitution will be put into effect, will be carefully considered by the New Zealand Government, which is fully prepared to implement any scheme which seems to it to be consonant with its responsibilities as Administering Authority and its natural regard for the welfare of the Samoan people. Naturally the New Zealand Government will fulfil its duty of keeping the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations informed, and would give due consideration to its views and advice” [T/1057, annex I].
74. My Government greatly appreciates the helpful and constructive spirit in which the proposals were received by the Visiting Mission which recently went to Samoa and, indeed, by the Trusteeship Council itself. When their reports come before the Assembly, all Members will have the opportunity to consider the progress so far made in pursuit of New Zealand’s stated aim, which, as I have said on more than one occasion, is the promotion of the welfare and advancement of the Samoan people. This, I believe, is an example of how the trusteeship principle was intended to work. It is the only spirit in which it will work. If, however, the United Nations is used as a forum for propaganda, and if unrelated political overtones, inimical to the interests of the peoples of the dependent territories, are introduced into issues confronting us, the system will not and cannot function as it should.
75. New Zealand’s support for United Nations activity in the field of economic development is given practical expression by our participation in the technical assistance programmes of the United Nations and its specialized agencies. These programmes have been in operation for only a few years, but they have already brought benefits to under-developed countries in various fields where technical knowledge is most in need of improvement. We commend the United Nations for its initiative in tackling this problem; we hope that this process of sharing skills will be continued on a basis which will bring about a lasting improvement in the standards of living of all countries.
76. New Zealand has made a substantial monetary contribution in each year of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. We have endeavoured to have this contribution used as fully as possible in the provision of the particular forms of assistance which New Zealand is best fitted to offer. New Zealand is a small country, itself needing capital development; however, this by no means disqualifies it from providing technical assistance to less developed areas. There is, in fact, an obvious advantage when the receiving country is also a small one, because technical trainees can see things being done on a scale similar to that which would apply in their home countries.
77. I wish to reiterate that this assistance, together with that provided by New Zealand to other United Nations programmes for economic and social betterment- — for instance, UNICEF [United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund], Korea and Palestine refugees — is a practical example of our support for United Nations action in these fields. These programmes, in my opinion, will be not only of lasting value to the countries receiving aid, but will also add greatly to the stature and prestige of the United Nations.
78. In speaking to the General Assembly last year, I threw out the suggestion that at the present eighth session it would not be too soon to begin the preparations for the possible holding of the conference for the revision of the Charter as envisaged in Article 109. We therefore welcome the decision of the Netherlands Government to propose the inclusion of the item which now appears as agenda item 70. What is required is the adoption by the Assembly of a procedure which will permit an orderly and systematic preparation for the conference. At this stage there should be no question of any particular proposal for amendment or, indeed, of going beyond the discussion of the procedure of preparation. As the representative of the Netherlands said yesterday [435th meeting], it is simply a matter of carrying out the purpose of Article 109.
79. Before I conclude, I would like to say a word or two on the question of the jurisdiction of this Organization. On a specific issue it came before this Assembly yesterday, and I have no desire to reopen that discussion here, particularly as it will no doubt be continued in one or more of the committees. My purpose now is to deal with the question of jurisdiction, not as it affects any particular country, but as it affects the future of this Organization.
80. I believe that this Assembly should take a more realistic attitude in regard to questions claimed to lie within the domestic jurisdiction of any State. I am far from denying that in particular cases it is extremely difficult to determine just where domestic jurisdiction ends and the Assembly’s competence begins. It is hard to reconcile several articles of the Charter. For that reason we should have welcomed greater readiness on the part of Members to consult the International Court of Justice on these disputed points. I feel that the Court might well have been able to devise a formula that would enable us to give a workable interpretation to these conflicting, or apparently conflicting, provisions of the Charter. I feel, too, that no one who has candidly studied the record of the United Nations over these eight years can justifiably deny that its tendency has been to give too little weight to the plea of domestic jurisdiction. I am afraid that many of us have been too ready to see the mote in the other man’s eye when we might have been better occupied in taking the beam out of our own. I think it must be conceded that in several of these matters the competence of the United Nations is at the best doubtful, and I have a crowing feeling that if we attempt too much there is a risk that this Organization will lose in authority and effectiveness.