88. I seize this opportunity, on behalf of the Liberian delegation and myself, to extend to you, Mr. President, our heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session. We are indeed fortunate, in our opinion, to have such a capable and experienced diplomat and statesman as you to guide and direct the deliberations of this Assembly.
89. I also compliment your eminent predecessor. Ambassador Abdul Rahman Pazhwak, who presided over the twenty-first session, the fifth special session and the fifth emergency special session, for handling his arduous task in such a manner as to win for himself the admiration and respect of us all.
90. The twenty-second session of the General Assembly has begun at a time when the clouds on the international horizon are dark indeed. International peace is in jeopardy and the fate of mankind hangs in the balance. People are troubled, apprehensive and anxious because man's creative genius has permitted him to invent nuclear, thermonuclear and other weapons of mass destruction with which he can destroy himself rapidly and easily; but he has been unable, it appears, to use the same genius to achieve the peace for which mankind yearns.
91. There are serious problems in Viet-Nam as the war there becomes more violent, cruel and bloody. It also points up the series of unsolved problems involving other divided countries — Germany and Korea. There is the grim situation in southern Africa which threatens a serious race conflict. There is also the tense situation in the Middle East which has been with us for the past two decades and which has resulted in three military conflicts. We need to find solutions to those problems.
92. In addition there must be included the critical economic problems facing developing countries in the seventh year of the United Nations Development Decade. The modest goals set for the Decade have not been attained, and the first six years can easily be regarded as a failure. This situation is engendering more tensions, instability and conflict, with dire consequences for peace.
93. Every nation has a stake in the peace of the world. Mankind is asking for and demanding a better life, the attainment of which is essential to peace. Betterment must be sought through peaceful change so that we can avoid the series of unending crises which continue to bedevil the international scene and which could result in a global holocaust that would be most undesirable and catastrophic.
94. Today, more than ever, our Assembly must bring the full force of its influence to bear on the issues of war and peace. Our search for peace should be resolute, but in that search we must adopt a balanced approach towards promoting material progress and ensuring social justice and social progress for all mankind. It is only through finding and securing peace that we can ensure human survival. Here in the United Nations we have an opportunity to strengthen this institution so as to accelerate the pursuit of those important natural goals and aspirations. If we fail to achieve peace, we may have the dubious distinction of witnessing at least the initial stages of the self- destruction of the human species.
95. I stated at the twenty-first session:
"Much depends on the success and future of the United Nations. International peace and. security depend on it. The whole future of the human race may well depend on it. The United Nations may be the Organization on which humanity’s hope for survival hinges. If it fails, then all of us have failed. Let not national honour ... stand in the way of the salvation of mankind." [1435th meeting, para. 5.]
96. We are pleased to note the following three important recent achievements in the field of disarmament: the approval given to the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies [resolution 2222 (XXI)]; the conclusion in Mexico City of a Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America [see A/6663]; and the draft treaty on nuclear non-proliferation submitted on 24 August 1967 by the United States and the Soviet Union in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. In spite of this there are still many problems in connexion with these treaties which are open and unsolved, and it is still not safe to say that a significant advance has yet been made toward general and complete disarmament.
97. Unfortunately neither France nor the People's Republic of China participates in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament and atmospheric tests have continued. The deadlock continues between the United States and the Soviet Union on an acceptable system to verify compliance with an underground nuclear test ban. The latter insists that national means of detection are adequate to verify an underground test ban, but the former insists that present scientific capabilities are still inadequate and that on-the-spot inspections are necessary. One wonders whether there may not be considerations of apparent military, necessity which have weighted the scales in favour of continued testing and have thereby prevented the conclusion of an absolute test ban.
98. The tremendous arms build-up, far from assuring us of true security, is generating more uncertainty, scepticism, mistrust and suspicion. This in turn is creating more apprehension, more misgiving, fear and alarm. However, we do not seem to possess either the courage or the resoluteness to take bold steps to end the senseless armaments race so as to make available the resources which could be usefully deployed to fight the war that mankind must wage against ignorance, poverty and disease. It is indeed a tragic and pathetic situation, and it is no wonder that some people have even expressed doubts that disarmament is a realistic goal in the world today.
99. In spite of the frustrations in this field and our apparent inability to control the inventions which our scientific advancement has made possible, we cannot afford to despair. We must redouble our efforts, improve the machinery of our Organization, and do all we can to find peaceful solutions to international disputes, and to ensure mankind's over-all progress so that we can all benefit by scientific inventions and live a better life free from fear and anxiety.
100. At the press conference just before the opening of this session of the Assembly, our Secretary-General expressed the hope that the Assembly would take new initiatives to bring the war in Viet-Nam to an end. Unfortunately, due to ideological considerations, the division of some countries, which was made for military reasons and regarded as temporary, is now, for all practical considerations, permanent and is a source of unfortunate tensions. It is still our hope that, free from ideology, the peoples in such Territories can be permitted to express their opinions unfettered, and that all countries will respect the results emanating from such a free expression of opinion.
101. The conflict in Viet-Nam has reached such proportions that the United Nations should seek to get the parties to the conflict to the conference table with the least possible delay, so that the negotiations which may then begin might be given the chance to bring about peace in Viet-Nam, and, in the case of other divided countries, to induce the proper exercise of their inherent right of self-determination.
102. In the introduction to his annual report [A/6701/ Add.1, para. 49], the Secretary-General enunciated the following fundamental principles which could be usefully applied to the Middle East crisis: the territorial integrity of every State must be respected and the occupation by military force of the territory of one State by another cannot be condoned; every State’s right to exist must be accepted by all other States; every State is entitled to security within its own borders; the Palestine Arab refugees "have a natural right to be in their homeland and to have a future"; and there should be free and unimpeded navigation for all through international waterways according to international conventions.
103. The Liberian Government endorses these principles and feels that if they could be accepted as binding by all the parties to the conflict, in negotiations direct or indirect, and faithfully executed and guaranteed by the international community, it might open the path to a new era of peace and co-operation in the Middle East.
104. It is most gratifying to note this significant accomplishment, namely, the conclusion of a Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, signed by sixty-two countries last January. This Treaty has extended the principles of international law to outer space and prohibits the placing of weapons of mass destruction in orbit, on the moon or other celestial bodies. It provides that the exploration and use of outer space should be undertaken for the benefit of all peoples and proscribes outer space from the claim of national sovereignty. Thus co-operation and mutual assistance are important principles in this Treaty.
105. Whilst there is still some criticism as to the adequacy of the Treaty, my delegation feels that the step taken is important and that, with goodwill on all sides, minor defects can be cured and loopholes closed so that the Treaty may well become an important model to be tried in some other fields. The United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, its various Sub-Committees, the Soviet Union and the United States are all to be congratulated for this significant achievement.
106. At the fifth special session of the Assembly, the United Nations Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, which had been scheduled for September 1967, was postponed to August 1968 and will be held in Vienna [resolution 2250 (S-V)]. It is to be hoped that this Conference will produce useful results, especially since we have a mutual interest in ensuring that outer space is used for man's benefit rather than for his ultimate destruction.
107. Of much concern in the present circumstances is the fate of peace-keeping operations by the United Nations. Recent events have shown the weakness of the foundations in this area. The Liberian delegation believes that peace-keeping is an important function of the United Nations and has performed an invaluable service in the cause of peace. Nevertheless there has been substantial disagreement as to the method of financing such operations, and the Organization is in a serious financial plight as a result of the refusal of some Members to pay for certain peace-keeping operations. The Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has been in existence since 18 February 1965, a period of almost three years, but efforts to reach agreement have so far been unsuccessful.
108. Although my delegation fully endorses the appeal made by the Assembly, particularly to the highly developed countries, to make voluntary contributions to resolve the financial situation presently existing in the Organization [resolution 2249 (S-V)], we are also anxious to see agreement reached on the matter of training, assessment and payment for peace-keeping operations so as to prevent a recurrence of the present situation. The matter is too important to be allowed to lag and there should be United Nations capacity to act in threatening circumstances so that the fragile peace can be maintained and made more permanent.
109. On 12 December 1966 the General Assembly once again adopted a resolution [2184 (XXI)] reaffirming the inalienable right of the peoples of the Territories under Portuguese domination to freedom and independence, in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV), and calling upon Portugal to apply immediately the principle of self-determination. Instead, according to some reports, the Portuguese Government has intensified its military operations in those Territories by launching air attacks and bombarding villages and defenceless peoples.
110. Why does Portugal continue to adhere to its anachronistic policy of arguing that these Territories are integral parts of Portugal, and to ignore international opinion as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly? This is not understandable. The inherent right of people to self-determination cannot be denied, and repressive measures by Portugal, with all the assistance of its NATO allies, cannot kill this right. It is in Portugal's own interest to formulate new policies which will enable the people in the Territories under its domination to make a free choice as to the future direction which they desire to pursue.
111. The United Nations should not sit idly by while Portugal flouts its decisions and recommendations, disregards its principles and violates the obligations of the Charter. Such insults and affronts are bound to have an adverse effect on the prestige of the Organization. It is important that action be taken, and taken soon, to ensure that Portugal respects the Charter obligations which it voluntarily agreed to when it accepted membership of the United Nations.
112. At the request of the United Kingdom in December 1966, mandatory sanctions were imposed by the Security Council [resolution 232 (1966)] on Rhodesian exports of asbestos, iron ore, chrome, sugar, pig iron, tobacco, copper, meat, hides and leather, and on Rhodesian imports of oil, arms, motor vehicles, aircraft and spares. These sanctions followed the earlier finding of the Council [resolution 217 (1965)] that the continued existence of the Ian Smith régime was a threat to international peace and security.
113. Despite this, reports indicate that exports to Rhodesia by West Germany, France, Japan, the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) — excluding the United Kingdom — have increased substantially during the first part of 1967. So have exports to South Africa by Italy, West Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and EEC, and it is well known that some goods exported to South Africa are also re-exported to Rhodesia. In the meantime, imports from Rhodesia and South Africa by some countries have also been substantially increased. Furthermore, it now seems to be an open secret that South Africa has become an entrepot for Rhodesia.
114. In addition, although the United Kingdom has imposed an oil blockade at Beira, it seems that substantial quantities of oil are being delivered to Rhodesia through Lourenço Marques. Moreover, the United Kingdom has failed to raise this in the Security Council so as to determine whether the Security Council would favourably consider any extension of the blockade to include Lourenço Marques and other nearby ports. Thus, sanctions are being contemptibly violated by some countries and the United Kingdom seems to be involved in this indirectly.
115. Obviously encouraged by ineffective sanctions, the régime in Salisbury has been engaged in enacting legislations such as amendments to the Rhodesian Citizenship Act, which empowers the Interior Minister to deprive certain citizens of their citizenship under rather general provisions and to reclassify along racial lines the citizens of some Commonwealth countries as aliens; and by introducing new bills, such as the Tribal Trust Land Act and the Tribal Courts Bill. These bills aim at placing all Africans under the direct control of chiefs who have been conditioned to accept racial discrimination, and deprive Africans of rights under the Land Apportionment Act if they do not obey such chiefs. There is developing a planned and systematic eradication of the few existing rights which Africans have had in Rhodesia.
116. Then on 28 February, the illegal régime appointed a Commission to advise on a constitution "best suited to the sovereign independent status of Rhodesia", the inquiries to be made in private. Recent events confirm that the Smith régime must be preparing to declare Rhodesia a republic since it is considering a new flag, a new anthem and a new system of honours and awards.
117. Sanctions are not effective because they are being violated, while the countries responsible merely wink at such violations and do nothing to prevent them. After virtually encouraging the Smith régime to rebel with an assurance that the United Kingdom would not intervene militarily if it did, we are witnessing actions and motions supposedly designed to bring down the régime without the use of force, actions that are apparently half-hearted and known to be ineffective. This is indeed a very serious matter. The rights and interests of 4 million Africans are being sacrificed on the altar of expediency while ineffectual acts designed to hoodwink us are proposed and efficient acts are feebly executed.
118. Thus, almost two years after the United Nations became seized of this problem, declared it a threat to international peace and security, and pledged to have the régime toppled, the régime is in as strong a position as it was then, if not stronger; and the pathetic and lamentable visible effect is that the United Nations has been made to appear impotent and powerless to make its actions effective. Even inaction would not have been as deplorable as the present situation is.
119. This Organization continues to be plagued with the morally repulsive, obnoxious and invidious practice of apartheid, as well as with its evil effects. We cannot forget that among the purposes of the United Nations are "respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples" and "respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race". There cannot be the slightest doubt that these principles are openly violated in South Africa and there is a constant and methodical erosion of rights of Africans and other races in South Africa on the sole ground of colour, resulting in serious deprivation of rights of individuals and outright repression. There has been an intensification of repressive measures against opponents of apartheid by indefinite imprisonment without trial, solitary confinement, and so forth.
120. Many countries, some of them members of the Security Council, are ignoring and violating the arms embargo imposed by the Seer city Council in 1963 [resolution 181 (1963)]. Other States are providing assistance to South Africa for production of military aircraft and other munitions, and South Africa’s principal trading partners, far from attempting to adjust their relations with South Africa closer to the clear consensus of the United Nations, are in fact increasing their trade with that régime. As if this were not enough. South Africa has defiantly declared that it will neither recognize nor deal with the United Nations Commissioner for South West Africa and the eleven nation Council created by the Assembly at its fifth special session. This action had been taken by the Assembly after full discussion by the adoption of a resolution [2248 (S-V)] reaffirming the international status of South West Africa, asserting that South Africa had failed to fulfil its obligations under the Mandate and declaring that the Assembly would take it over and assume direct responsibility for its administration.
121. It is yet to be seen whether Members of the Organization will take appropriate measures to ensure implementation of the decisions of the Assembly or whether South Africa will be permitted to have its way and annex the territory entirely. In the latter case, it will have the effect of completely undermining confidence of developing countries in the United Nations and w ill result in a tremendous loss of its prestige.
122. As I mentioned last year [1435th meeting], African Territories under Portuguese administration, Rhodesia, South West Africa and apartheid in South Africa are now a.11 elements of a single problem as a result of an alliance between Rhodesia, South Africa and Portugal, and it would be impossible to solve them individually. They will have to be tackled together. Recently The New York Times reported that the Foreign Minister of South Africa had disclosed that there was a mutual security arrangement between countries of southern Africa.
123. It is now the humane responsibility of Portugal's partners in NATO and South Africa's principal trading partners in the West — and it will eventually become clearly seen to be in their own interest — to use their influence and ingenuity to have these ills and injustices corrected, since they have made it clear that they do not propose to take effective international action to bring about the change that freedom and justice require.
124. One of the greatest problems facing developing countries, which might have a profound effect on international peace, is their economic plight. There is ample evidence that the gap in living standards between rich and poor countries continues to widen and, as we enter the last quarter of the United Nations Development Decade, we find a disappointing record of failure because the objectives of the Decade have not been attained. The 1 per cent of annual incomes of developed countries has not gone into external aid. Instead, the contributions of the developed countries to external aid have declined and the anticipated 5 per cent annual growth rate for developing countries has not been attained.
125. We find that financial assistance by developed countries to developing countries has been declining not only in the relative amount of the financial assistance in relation to the gross income of the developed countries, but also with regard to the terms on which the aid is offered. In 1966, aid and private capital to developing countries was $400 million less than in 1965, and the United States, United Kingdom, France and West Germany are actually spending less on aid than they did in 1961, At a time when developing countries need more capital for development, capital is scarce; and when it is available it is very expensive.
126. In the meantime the external public debt of developing countries has spiralled substantially, so that over the ten year period 1956 to 1965, payments of interest and amortization increased by about 400 percent. There is a shift in aid from grants to loans, and the terms of the loans are hardening, when they ought to be softened. Should this situation continue it will lead to a further decrease in rates of economic growth for developing countries, thereby aggravating an already serious situation.
127. Whether the United Nations Capital Development Fund established by the twenty-first General Assembly [resolution 2186 (XXI)] "to assist developing countries in the development of their economies by supplementing existing sources of capital assistance by means of grants and loans, particularly long-term loans made free of interest or at low interest rates" will achieve its goal will depend on the support given to it by the developed countries, especially in the light of the views already expressed on the Capital Development Fund. It is to be noted with satisfaction that the Executive Board will be elected at this Assembly, a Managing Director appointed, and the first annual pledging conference held.
128. The economic situation of the developing countries is further complicated by the population increase, as it is reported that by the year 2000 four-fifths of the world population will be living in Africa, Asia and Latin America.
129. Thus, as developing countries find it difficult to finance the import of capital goods essential for their economic development, there is great need for understanding - understanding that will not result in the mere doling out of assistance, but understanding which will permit developing countries to earn their own way in an over-all expansion of their economies that would be beneficial both to developed and developing countries. It is a situation which calls for joint and cooperative efforts to remove all the bottlenecks, such as inferior technology, inadequate skills, capital scarcity, poor transportation and communication.
130. My delegation hopes that every effort will be exerted by both developed and developing countries to foster, encourage and accelerate economic and social advancement through trade and development. My delegation also looks forward with anxiety to the implementation of the recommendations of the first session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held at Geneva in 1964, particularly so that a system of equity between the cost of primary commodities and the cost of manufactured goods might be established.
131. I come now to a pressing problem facing Africa today; it is the problem of refugees. While the problem seems to have abated considerably in Europe, it is becoming more acute and more complex in Africa and the Middle East as the exodus of people from their homes for various reasons continues, in some cases at an alarming rate. Action in this field by the United Nations is quite commendable; but it is the view of my delegation that we should now redouble our efforts not only to provide care and repatriation for the refugees, but to eliminate within our respective countries the conditions which create refugees.
132. In accepting membership in this great Organization, we subscribed to the principles on which the Organization is based; and in Article 2, Paragraph 2, of the Charter, we solemnly undertook to fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by us in accordance with the Charter. Recent events seem to indicate that a number of States are engaging in activity which conflicts with the obligations they have assumed under our Charter. I refer particularly to the instances in which the pertinent organs of the United Nations have taken decisions affecting some States or Territories which have acted contrary to the Charter, and to the many instances where Members of this Organization have failed to carry out those decisions and recommendations.
133. The Government and people of Liberia remain dedicated and committed to that undertaking, as they were twenty-two years ago when they first accepted it. We consider also that every Member State of this Organization should remain committed to that undertaking, and that a non-fulfilment of that expressed obligation is inconsistent with membership in this Organization.
134. This is a period of grave crisis. The obstacles to peace are many. The danger that we might drift unintentionally into disaster is great. Let us therefore face the facts. Let us seek genuine solutions and eliminate force as an instrument of national policy. Let us rededicate our efforts and ourselves to the pursuit of peace and freedom and justice for all.