41. I bring a message of felicitations and good wishes from my august Sovereign, King Mahendra, for the success of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly.
42. While thanking you, Mr. President, for allowing me to take the floor, I wish to express my delegation's sincere congratulations to you on your election as the President of the General Assembly.
43. This is the first time in the twenty-two years of the life of the United Nations that a representative of a socialist country has occupied the Chair of the Assembly. In your election is reflected not only the international character of the office of the President, but also the spirit of coexistence and co-operation that generally governs the relations between the countries of the West and the East today. Romania has devoted special attention to fostering this spirit successfully in its relations with the countries of Europe as well as with those elsewhere. And you, Mr. President, for some years now have been personally responsible for the conduct of the foreign policy of Romania, which aims at the development of good relations with all countries of the world on the basis of peaceful coexistence. My delegation believes that you will guide the deliberations of this Assembly with success, and pledges you its support in the discharge of your responsibilities.
44. My delegation would also like to pay its tribute to Ambassador Pazhwak for the exemplary way in which he guided the deliberations of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly, as well as of the fifth special session and the fifth emergency special session. He ably presided over the Assembly session when the world was threatened with a grave and serious crisis as a result of the war In the Middle East.
45. The questions before the General Assembly are of great importance. Representatives of 122 countries have assembled here at this session to deliberate on the questions of war and peace confronting us. Some of these questions have their origin in the deep-rooted prejudices among peoples carried over from the pages of past history, while some of them arise from the immediate rivalries among great Powers.
46. A great amount of mutual suspicion and a false sense of security which permeate the actions and behaviour of States have prevented us from proceeding more purposefully towards the goal of general and complete disarmament. Relics of the cold war still continue, to a great extent, to aggravate the tension in Asia, Europe and elsewhere in the world. Big-Power politics and the accompanying interests of the big Powers have kept some nations perpetually divided against their will. The fate of the divided nations, and indeed that of other small nations, is judged in terms of the interests of big Powers. Our Organization itself is still very far from Its goal of universality.
47. The deceleration in the rate of growth of the developing countries has left us far behind the target set for our growth in the United Nations Development Decade.
48. The question of decolonization continues to defy peaceful solution, mainly because one or two misguided countries amongst us refuse to recognize fundamental human rights, the basic equality of all mankind and the rights of peoples to freedom and independence.
49. While speaking on the question of war and peace in general, our attention is naturally drawn to a very distressing situation which, although not included in the agenda of the United Nations, might any day lead to most disastrous consequences engulfing all of humanity. I am referring hereto the unjust, inhuman war in Viet-Nam, which, to the horror of mankind, is escalating daily. Nothing Is more deplorable in the contemporary situation than what is happening in Viet- Nam today, and nothing symbolizes and dramatizes the difficulties of a small country — which is moreover divided against its will—more than the question of Viet-Nam.
50. This ancient nation struggled hard and heroically to gain its freedom from the yoke of colonialism and continues to struggle equally hard and heroically to retain it. The Geneva Agreements of 1954 recognized the political independence, integrity and unity of the Viet-Namese people. The determination shown by the Viet-Namese people in their current struggle Is simply an expression of their will to exist as an Independent, unified and rational entity.
51. To the extreme regret of the peace-loving peoples in the world, and the Asians In particular, the war in Viet-Nam goes on, with big-Power interest dominating at the expense of the Viet-Namese people. Our sympathies go out to those brave people in their hour of struggle.
52. Viewed from any angle whatever, the war in Viet-Nam is wrong. This war must end. His Majesty's Government has stated, and I take this opportunity to state again, that the essential condition for the ending of the deplorable situation in Viet-Nam is the cessation of hostilities. The ending of bombing and the de- escalation of other military activities should be the first important step in this direction. To this end we have always supported the efforts made by the Secretary-General to bring peace to this unhappy land.
53. Once the bombing ends, hostilities cease and a cease-fire is agreed upon, it will not be difficult, we hope, for peace talks to commence among all parties interested in the question of Viet-Nam, including, of course, the Viet Cong, so as to arrive at a solution which will permit the Viet-Namese people themselves to decide their destiny. The paramount concern of those involved in the question of Viet-Nam should be to contribute to the creation of an atmosphere congenial to peace talks. The question of Viet-Nam is basically a political question, and our efforts should be aimed at finding a political solution.
54. The armed hostilities that flared up in the Middle East during the middle of this year between Israel and the Arab States aggravated the already tense situation in the world. Indeed, this war was the gravest breach of the peace faced by the United Nations in the last two or three years. Here, not only was the question of the survival and dignity of the contending parties involved, but also the political Interests of the super-Powers were at stake.
55. The emergency special session of the General Assembly convened to deal with the situation brought to light a general consensus among all Member States that forcible occupation of foreign lands should not be permitted, and that terms of peace cannot be dictated by nations which happen to he militarily victorious at the moment. The General Assembly further directed the attention of the world to the fact that the state of belligerency existing in the Middle East was also responsible for the deterioration of the situation in the area.
56. Israel today occupies territories of its neighbours and, in disregard of a General Assembly resolution, has even proceeded to change the status of the Old City of Jerusalem and integrate the City into its own territory. In consequence of the military occupation by Israel, the Suez Canal, so vital for international commerce, has remained closed indefinitely. His Majesty's Government cannot condone a situation such as this, for which the military occupation by Israel of foreign lands is solely responsible. Even the most extended doctrine of military necessity or self-preservation fails to justify the attitude taken by Israel during the past few months.
57. His Majesty's Government most assuredly recognizes the rights of Israel as a sovereign State and regrets the state of belligerency continuously directed against it. We also believe that Israel in its turn must respect the independence and territorial integrity of its neighbours.
58. Settled international frontiers must be scrupulously respected by all States. If these are violated with impunity, by force of arms, the whole fabric of peaceful international society and the foundations on which the United Nations is built will crumble. Thrice in the life of the United Nations, crisis in the Middle East has erupted. This must not recur. Peace on a more enduring basis must be sought. The great Powers on their part must refrain from interference. Nations in the area must learn to live and let live in peace. The rights of sovereign States, including maritime rights, must be respected. But the first requisite for securing peace in the Middle East is the ending of military occupation of foreign lands and the implementation of United Nations resolutions.
59. Whatever the achievements of the United Nations in the field of international peace, the deliberate exclusion of the People's Republic of China from the world body has made the latter less effective and less universal. The most populous nation in the world with its vast land mass, a member of the thermonuclear club In its own right, China cannot be barred indefinitely from its rightful place in the United Nations if there is to be a solution of outstanding international problems affecting the question of war and peace in this troubled world. By refusing to restore the lawful rights of China in the United Nations, a certain section of its membership has already done enough harm to the cause of peace. It would be in the interest of real peace if we could realize Chinese representation in all the negotiations on disarmament and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. My delegation believes that reason will ultimately prevail with those who, through their negative attitude, still refuse to recognize the existence of a great nation like China. The sooner they give up this attitude, the better it will be for world peace and security, Nepal has tremendous faith in the United Nations. That faith in itself has always inspired us to maintain that the United Nations will be a more effective instrument of peace with the People's Republic of China than without it.
60. One of the most significant achievements of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee this year, has been the agreement between the super-Powers to present identical texts of a draft treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. Although my delegation realizes that the extremely important third clause, concerning international control and methods and procedures of inspection, is not yet agreed upon, the very fact that the two super-Powers have reached an agreement on other basic points of the proposed treaty is in itself a good augury for peace. His Majesty's Government welcomes this draft treaty as a product of peaceful co-operation between the superpowers.
61. My delegation is happy to note that after a long and bitter cold-war situation the super-Powers are now steadily moving towards an era of closer cooperation. This new trend in international relations is also affecting the attitudes of the non-aligned countries, which, instead of remaining aloof from the two superpowers, are now identifying themselves with their co-operative measures. My delegation's support for the proposed treaty is animated by the same spirit in which we supported the Moscow Treaty.
62. Some non-nuclear-weapon nations are trying to seek a guarantee against nuclear attack. My delegation cannot reconcile itself to this idea because it considers that seeking such a guarantee itself presupposes that the possibility of nuclear war does exist. The efforts and endeavours of all countries should be directed towards the creation of conditions under which the very concept of nuclear war would he abjured.
63. This year again, the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee has failed to produce any concrete formula concerning general and complete disarmament. My delegation understands the limitations of the Committee; it has no power to control the expenditure on armaments, which is increasing in astronomical proportions. However, my delegation hopes that the conclusion of a non-proliferation treaty, supplemented by the functional and structural improvement of the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee should help the nations of the world to move towards more extensive arms control and disarmament measures. My delegation further hopes that the non-proliferation treaty will encourage the nuclear Powers to negotiate a comprehensive test-ban treaty, and also an agreement to discontinue the production of fissionable material for military purposes, What is urgently required of the nuclear Powers that have signed the Moscow Treaty is that they show their real interest in extending the scope of the treaty to cover underground tests. But as long as the nuclear Powers continue their underground tests with a view to perfecting nuclear weapons, general and complete disarmament can only be a far cry.
64. Despite continued disagreement between the super-Powers on the question of general and complete disarmament, it is heartening to note that the superpowers have agreed on a Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, My delegation is firmly convinced that the benefits of space exploration can be extended to States at all stages of economic and scientific development. The people of Nepal, as other peoples of the world, have been greatly inspired by the tremendous prospects opening before mankind as a result of man's entry into outer space. We hope that the sanctity of the Treaty will be fully maintained and that outer space will never be used as a base to destroy any part of the earth we live on.
65. Under General Assembly resolution 2220 (XXI), the report of the Special Political Committee on the comprehensive review of the whole question of peace- keeping operations in all their aspects was referred to the General Assembly at its fifth special session. It is regrettable that at the fifth special session no recommendation could be adopted and, consequently, we are again faced with the same question. My delegation has always maintained that the peace-keeping capacities of the United Nations should be strengthened. We realized fully, during the recent crisis in the Middle East, the importance that is attached to United Nations peace-keeping efforts.
66. My delegation would like to reiterate its profound faith in the United Nations Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty [General Assembly resolution 2131 (XX)]. If States refrained from resorting to force in settling their disputes, as indicated in the United Nations
Charter, or if States harboured no designs against the territorial integrity or political independence of other States, many of the ills now afflicting the international community would end.
67. Colonialism, which still continues to vex the world profoundly, is repugnant to the Charter of the United Nations, inasmuch as the system of international peace and security established under the Charter on the basis of equal rights of man is incompatible with colonial practices. The rights of colonial territories and peoples to immediate independence, whatever the stage of their social, economic and political advancement may be, is recognized by the General Assembly in solemn declarations. But despite these declarations and the process of decolonization which has been a feature of national development in many colonial territories, millions of people still languish under the yoke of colonialism.
68. Its classic examples are found in Africa in the shape of Portuguese colonialism. Portugal claims that these Territories are not colonial territories at all, but part of metropolitan Portugal. This claim nobody accepts. But Portugal is encouraged to hold on to its claim and defy the United Nations successfully, partly because of the military aid it receives from its NATO partners and partly because of its unholy alliance with Pretoria and Salisbury.
69. With regard to the question of Southern Rhodesia, while my delegation believes that this is a question to be decided between the Administering Authority and the people of the territory on the basis of the democratic principle of "one man, one vote", we recognize the inalienable right of these people to immediate independence. The present minority régime in Salisbury is illegal, but it seems to have come to stay indefinitely, despite the selective economic sanctions imposed by the Security Council. The Administering Authority has not viewed its responsibility towards the people of Southern Rhodesia with seriousness. It is high time for it to take firmer measures than those it has taken up to now against the illegal régime.
70. The Government of South Africa, representing a minority, suppresses the will of the majority by means of State laws and State apparatus which are based on the inequality of races. My delegation strongly condemns the policies and practices of apartheid pursued by the racist minority régime in Pretoria.
71. The recent International Seminar on Apartheid, Racial Discrimination and Colonialism, held at Kitwe, Zambia, has highlighted the grave situation resulting from the policies of apartheid. My delegation wishes to pay its tribute to the Government of Zambia for holding the Seminar and thereby reaffirming the determination of the Zambian people to continue to fight against apartheid.
72. While it practises racialism at home, the South African Government has claimed the right to govern the Territory of South West Africa against the will of the people and in violation of the principles implicit in the Mandate. The General Assembly has properly revoked the Mandate and declared the Territory to be a special responsibility of the United Nations. For the fulfilment of the responsibility, the fifth special session of the General Assembly constituted a United Nations Council for the administration of South West Africa pending independence. Notwithstanding the rejection by South Africa of the General Assembly's competence to deal with the question, we had hoped that with the support of the two major Powers, namely the Soviet Union and the United States, it would not be impossible to effect South Africa's withdrawal from South West Africa and to enable the people of the Territory to exercise their inalienable right to independence. But our hope in this direction has for the time being been shattered by the refusal of those two Powers to serve in and co-operate with the United Nations Council for South West Africa. My delegation pledges its support to any move calculated to give effect to the General Assembly resolutions on South West Africa.
73. The question of Portuguese colonialism, Southern Rhodesia, apartheid and South West Africa are intertwined. The solution of the one question can hardly be conceived in isolation from that of the others. The rulers In Lisbon, Pretoria and Salisbury are determined to hold on to their possessions and to play with the fate of millions of people. It is indeed unfortunate that the economic interests of major industrial countries continue to serve to strengthen this determination.
74. My delegation feels that much of the tension and quarrels between nations and the instability of the general international situation have their source in the difference of standards of living not only between nations, but also between communities within those nations.
75. The United Nations since its inception has devoted its attention to the promotion of economic co-operation among its Member States. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was one of the most important steps taken in this direction. Although the recommendations of that Conference were the result of a great deal of compromise between various points of view, they have not since been implemented satisfactorily.
76. The primary concern of any developing country is the problem and the prospect of its development. The developing countries had placed a great faith in the achievement of the growth target set for the United Nations Development Decade. But the lack of adequate transfer of capital to the developing world has not merely resulted in a deceleration of its rate of growth but has also appreciably widened the income gap between the developed and the developing world, It was reasonably expected that the first Conference would lead to favourable terms of trade for the developing countries, but all our hopes in this regard have been disappointed, and the Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development recently had to propose a global strategy of development.
77. Developing countries are handicapped in their trade and development by the fact that the price of industrial goods continues far to outweigh the price of primary products. While many of us may be tempted to believe that highly industrialized Powers are responsible for this state of affairs, so far as the developing countries at their initial stages of development are concerned, what is responsible for the slow pace in the diversification of our trade and our development is the lack of a balance of equitable economic relationship between the price of our produce and that of the industrial goods manufactured in the neighbouring countries which are more advanced industrially and economically. The area of differences between the developing countries at various stages of development is often much wider than the area of differences between some of those countries and the developed countries.
78. The Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States, which is one of the beneficial results of the first United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, has been ratified by the requisite number of States and now comes into force, This Convention establishes the right of land-locked countries such as Nepal to an unrestricted transit of goods to and from third countries through the territory of a coastal State. But many developing coastal States, in disregard of the common interest of the developing world, have not only failed to ratify the Convention, but some of those States have also neglected to sign it.
79. The present economic situation of the world demands that the developing countries should concentrate on the mobilization of their internal resources. Economic developments and social reforms are the parallel requisites for the general well-being of the people. In my own country, we have paid very particular attention to the development and progress of our people through schemes of industrialization and such other basic measures as land reform and law code reform. We have developed our own political institutions suited to the genius and temperament of our people. We have tried and succeeded, in particular, to secure the maximum participation of the people in the affairs of State and to raise their standard of living, taking special care to close the gap between the wealthier and the poorer sections of society to a minimum.
80. Political peace and economic development are two inseparable links of human progress. As the world grows smaller, it must, if it is to survive, be more united and more prosperous. Unless we are united in our purpose, there is very little that the United Nations can do. The existence as well as the strength of this world body is our best and only hope. The time has come for all of us to reaffirm our faith in the United Nations Charter and work together to create a new world order, in which peace will reign and law prevail, and in which man may at long last have a fuller, richer and happier life.