104. I should like In the first place to offer my sincere congratulations to you, Mr. President, on your election to the Presidency of this Assembly. Your selection for this duty is a tribute to your own personal qualities and also to your country, which you have had the honour to serve with so much distinction for so many years.
105. I venture today to put before this Assembly certain considerations which are of particular importance to my country and, I think, also to others which, like Malta, are small, have to struggle to break free from the tentacles of poverty, or are militarily weak. The weaknesses we share in size, wealth and power give us a natural interest in the work of the United Nations and spur us to efforts, both within this Organization and outside it, to act in concert in search of peace and a wider distribution of the wealth of this earth, within the framework of social justice and equity among nations. In the United Nations, we the small nations enjoy the right to have our voices heard and to exercise a role of responsibility in promoting a co-operation essential to world peace for the benefit of mankind as a whole. This privilege, which we share with the bigger countries in equal measure, makes us even more conscious of our duty to play our part in this Organization with wisdom and great care.
106. In making use of this privilege we must recognize that the major responsibility for bringing about a relaxation of international tension and for seeking solutions to the major political problems plaguing the world continues to lie with the major Powers, especially the permanent members of the Security Council and, In particular, with the two nuclear super-Powers. The "equilibrium of terror" has resulted In coexistence. But coexistence as presently interpreted still presupposes the existence, indeed the necessity, of struggle by all means except nuclear war. The aim of coexistence, in fact, has become to modify the strategic balance of power in the world without destroying the world itself, and this by choosing means of struggle in fields where one or other major Power believes it has an advantage.
107. This situation produces a modern version of the old concept of armed peace. It may well delay a major conflict but could also ultimately lead to a catastrophe. The unrestrained propaganda, the mutual political probings, the military support given to political ‘friends in third countries either to Incite Insurrection or to keep in power Governments that are rejected by their peoples, not only cause needless suffering to millions but are also very dangerous for the peace of the world since they involve, directly or indirectly, the super-Powers. Coexistence rejects a world war for political or ideological ends but leaves the maintenance of world peace to a process resembling a dangerous game of chance. The superpowers have, up to the present, exercised admirable restraint. An occasion may well arise, however, when rational calculations based on political interest can be nullified by unforeseen events. The irreparable then happens.
108. It is now time to go beyond coexistence and on to active co-operation among major centres of world power. Until this co-operation is achieved it is an illusion to hope that sufficient resources can be devoted to relieving the pressing needs of two thirds of mankind. Active co-operation among major centres of world power will, we must believe, eventually be achieved, since the alternative is disaster for all, Including the major Powers; but it will not help if it takes a form which will perpetuate the domination of the rich over the poor, of the strong over the weak.
109. My country will continue to support a four-pronged programme in relation to the United Nations, namely: disarmament, peaceful settlement of disputes, peace-keeping and the economic and social work of this Organization. The record of the work of the Organization in the first three fields of disarmament, peaceful settlement and peace-keeping has been a bitter disappointment. Armaments have continued to increase; their use In war has not ceased for even one day in the last years, whether in Asia, the Middle East or Africa. No real progress has been registered in creating conditions conducive to disarmament or in tackling effectively any of a number of issues which could lead to the reduction of tension.
110. Events since the dose of the twenty-first session have been discouraging for the United Nations and for the cause of world peace. Old problems remain unsolved, tensions have increased, and resentment over the continuing struggle in Viet-Nam and recent hostilities in the Near East have further envenomed international relations. Acrimonious disagreement on political matters and limited effectiveness in the promotion of world economic and social progress increasingly mark the United Nations.
111. The only silver lining, not altogether untarnished, has been the progress made in the Eighteen- Nation Committee on Disarmament on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. We welcome the draft treaty which may be put before us in the near future, as a document that has a primarily political significance. One cannot, however, refrain from noting that the draft treaty does not fulfil all the principles laid down by the General Assembly. In particular, it does not fully embody an acceptable balance of mutual responsibilities and obligations as between the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers; furthermore negotiations on the draft treaty are taking place during a period of rapid escalation in the nuclear arms race.
112. The long-term effectiveness of the treaty Is also imperilled by the uncertainties which result from the fact that two nuclear-weapon States have not participated in the Geneva discussions, and by the fact that the proposed treaty does not provide explicitly for the security of non-nuclear Powers, Consequently, one would have preferred at this stage the conclusion of a simple non-dissemination treaty among all the nuclear-weapon States, which would have a political significance comparable to that of the proposed non-proliferation treaty and would not have the disadvantages of the present draft treaty for non-nuclear Powers. We are reinforced in this view by our conviction that the proliferation of nuclear weapons is not desired by any country and is not necessarily imminent, and that the conclusion of a non-proliferation treaty and the prospects of military nuclear proliferation are not necessarily interdependent.
113. It is clear that endorsement of the proposed non-proliferation treaty by the General Assembly will have to be followed by intensive negotiations on other aspects of nuclear disarmament. We would not wish that, as a result, progress on other urgent problems connected with the control of armaments, progress which may contribute to the relaxation of international tensions, should be neglected.
114. Recent events nave emphasized the dangers of the trade in sophisticated conventional weapons. We believe that it has become urgent to elaborate a. comprehensive and fair system designed effectively to publicize, and thus indirectly to control, the transfer of armaments among States.
115. The extent of the trade in arms must be brought out in the open. It will be recalled that two years age the delegation of Malta presented a draft resolution in the First Committee on the subject. Whilst the draft resolution did not then attract sufficient support, we are gratified to note the interest of some of those countries which were somewhat hesitant two years ago on the question raised by the delegation of Malta, Should an appropriate initiative be taken in this field, we will not be found wanting in giving it support.
116. There is equal need to study the implications of continued accelerated research in technically advanced countries with regard to the development of ever more sophisticated chemical, bacteriological and, other unconventional methods of warfare, and the implications of these developments for all countries, but particularly for those that cannot afford, or are unable to establish, comprehensive measures of protection. The potentiality of the terrible weapons that have already been developed or are in the process of development is not widely known, and the potential danger of these weapons to the health, if not the life, of the population, particularly of the technologically less advanced countries, may be comparable to that of nuclear weapons. The delegation of Malta will seek an opportunity to have this matter brought to the attention of the appropriate organs of the General Assembly for careful study.
117. The work of the United Nations In the field of disarmament will remain sterile if a greater impetus is not given to the advancement of the poorer countries. Armaments, whether nuclear or conventional, absorb enormous resources and increase tensions. Tensions are also increased by lack of progress in implementing the economic and social purposes of the United Nations. The close interrelationship between the creation of conditions of well-being and the maintenance of international peace and security is clearly recognized in the Charter of the United Nations. It is wisely stated in Article 55 that:
"With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the United Nations shall promote:
"a. higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development".
118. This does not imply solely assistance in the development of poor countries. It should also imply a more direct approach to ensure a fair share of the world's riches for those who suffer from an economic handicap. Unless present circumstances are rapidly and radically changed the gap in standards of living between the rich and the poor countries can only grow wider. The technological capability of the poor countries, having regard to all the development progress which they are likely ever to achieve, unaided, or even aided at the present scale, can never match the advances of the richer countries.
119. This matter is all the more important since it is improbable that the flow of international aid for economic and social purposes is likely to expand substantially in the near future. This, in spite of the fact that the capacity of developed countries to provide such aid, measured in terms of their rising per capita incomes, is increasing. The causes are basically two: rising expenditure on armaments and rising expenditure on new or expanded programmes of economic and social development within the rich countries themselves. At the same time, in poor countries. Governments must attempt to satisfy in some measure the rising expectations of their peoples for an immediate and visible improvement in their living conditions, in circumstances where regional or world tensions often require the allocation of increasing resources to defence. This creates conditions of great stress both within many poor countries and between poor countries and rich countries.
120. If we are correct in believing that we have reached, temporarily at least, a plateau with regard to total resources allocated by major donor Governments for the development of poor countries, we are forced to draw certain conclusions. In the first place, while continuing to press rich countries to implement their stated policies in this field, poor countries must be prepared to rely increasingly on the mobilization of their own resources for their development.
121. In the second place, in order to encourage, for a variety of reasons, donor countries to channel through international organizations an increasing proportion of the relatively static total of resources allocated by them for the development of poor countries, it seems Imperative that international efforts should have clear objectives and be organized with demonstrable efficiency since it is obvious that a reputation, however unfounded, for the inefficient use of available resources may impair the ability of organizations within the United Nations family to attract resources now used in bilateral programmes.
122. Thirdly, it is important to investigate the possibility of utilizing an increasing proportion of the not inconsiderable funds already flowing Into the United Nations system on programmes of more direct relevance to individual countries and regions. The discontinuance of activities not fully justified by cost-benefit or other generally accepted criteria could release scarce manpower and considerable funds for the priority needs of poor countries.
123. Finally, a determined search must be made for new major sources of development capital that do not imply increased, burdens on the rich countries. It Is felt that one such source could the exploitation of the resources of an internationalized sea-bed and ocean floor. The sea-bed and the ocean floor underlying the seas beyond present national jurisdiction constitute approximately some 65 per cent of the area of the world and are the only land areas of our planet, excluding possibly Antarctica, that have not yet been appropriated for national use. Resources proved so far are immense. To mention only one, manganese nodules — containing also cobalt, nickel and copper - are found in some areas in incredibly large quantities at depths of 5,000 to 18,000 feet of water. Technology is now making possible the exploitation of the sea-bed at ever greater depths. This technology, however, is available only to industrially advanced countries, Furthermore, the Convention on the Continental Shelf is an open-ended instrument as it defines the continental shelf as:
"the sea bed and the sub soli of the submarine areas adjacent to the coast but outside the area of the territorial sea, to a depth of 200 metres or, beyond that limit, to where the depth of the superjacent waters admits of the exploitation of the natural resources of the said areas".
124. The formulation of this Convention might result In technologically advanced countries claiming to appropriate for their own exclusive benefit the sea-bed underlying the sea at any depth and at any distance from their coasts, as soon as they can exploit the natural resources thereof. This is not a remote possibility unless an international framework for the exploitation of this potential wealth is established.
125. We would stress to all delegations, particularly those of developing countries, the urgency of international action in this field, action which, we believe, should eventually lead to the establishment of an international agency to assume jurisdiction, as trustee for mankind, over the sea-bed and ocean floor in order to ensure their orderly and rational exploitation, and that from the immense potential of this exploitation the poor countries should also benefit. Our proposal is paralleled by a number of Initiatives In the same field such as that taken by the Geneva World Conference on World Peace through Law this year. Quite apart, from the military implications and the very Important question of the safe disposal of radioactive wastes, our suggestion could provide an equitable solution to conflicting national claims and it may in due course provide an Important additional source of wealth for distribution among nations, particularly the developing countries. We have requested the inclusion of the question of the sea-bed and ocean floor on the agenda of this session [A/6695] and we commend our proposals to the attention of the Assembly.
126. The suggestions of Malta open a field in which international action is urgent even though progress may be difficult in other fields. In the matter of peaceful settlement we have watched a disturbing series of setbacks, and in peace-keeping the United Nations is now in difficulties partly because of lack of agreement on the allocation of costs. International bodies have been discussing disarmament for forty- five years or more without much visible success. All this is discouraging, but it is essential that discouragement should not deepen to a point where we give up entirely. Too much is at stake for that. While continuing our efforts to find solutions to these fundamental issues, let us in the meantime not neglect other horizons. The Malta plan on the sea-bed and ocean floor is, we submit, one of them.