35. Mr. President, I should like to extend to you my delegation's sincere congratulations on your election as President of this session. We welcome your election for more than one reason: first, because you represent a country towards which our people has the warmest feelings; and, secondly, because it may augur favourable changes within a continent the balance of which is one of the guarantees of peace.
36. Nevertheless, the opening of this session of the General Assembly has not been marked by euphoria. It is true that few, if any, sessions have. On the other hand, few sessions have, at their opening, been marked by so profound a disenchantment. It could even be said without exaggeration that this session finds the Assembly in disarray and suffering from a sense of impotence. Why impotence? In examining the problems before us, we note that none of them is really new. Although they may have reached an acute stage, the stage of crisis, they have nevertheless been with us for twenty years, if not longer.
37. These problems claim our attention, fade, and appear again, depending on circumstances; and sometimes they reappear in a new form; but they continue to exist. The feeling of impotence stems from our realization that these problems, far from having been solved, have stagnated, when they have not deteriorated.
38. No one can claim today that we are on the way to seriously consolidating the peace. On the contrary, this problem has become more and more complicated as the international community has grown in size. The process of decolonization has been arrested and this, in some cases, further jeopardizes the peace. Improving the level of living of the under-privileged peoples has been the subject of much fine writing, whose generous sentiments are equalled only by its inefficacy. The United Nations Development Decade, which has dashed as many hopes as it aroused, is proof enough of that, if proof were needed.
39. This stagnation, which has affected many areas of our post-war existence, was bound to be reflected in the present world situation. That situation is certainly not brilliant.
40. The continent of Asia is aflame at both ends. The war in Viet-Nam and the Middle East crisis may at any moment give rise to a general conflagration. China remains a cause of concern, not only because of what it stands for, but also because it has been outlawed by the international community for nearly twenty years. The precarious partition of certain Asian countries, whose dividing lines constitute areas of friction for other Powers, adds to the general insecurity which weighs heavily over Asia and over the rest of the world.
41. Africa has become a prey to instability, and unless measures are taken the many problems it has inherited after the recent and not always smooth decolonization may thrust it back into darkness.
42. While the United States of America, because of its privileged position, enjoys a certain amount of domestic harmony, everyone knows that — sometimes perhaps involuntarily — it creates enormous problems by its omnipresence.
43. As to old Europe, while there are encouraging signs of relaxation of tension, which are due to the commendable efforts of certain Governments, we cannot but note that no substantive problem has been settled there since the last world war. Whereas the European blocs are being eroded from within and the separating walls have begun to show cracks and even a few chinks here and there, the substantive problems, on the other hand, remain unsolved. As everyone knows, no peace treaty was ever signed with Germ any, which is still divided. The frontiers of certain countries, which must be delimited if equilibrium is to be maintained in Europe, are still in dispute.
44. That is the far from brilliant picture of the present world situation. As I have said, few are the problems which date less than twenty years back. And the feeling of impotence we experience because these problems are so chronic is accompanied by another feeling - fear of catastrophe. Lightning, it is said, never strikes twice in the same place. Yet we cannot fail to note, if not an identity, a certain similarity between the problems which go to make up the present situation and those which had existed in the twenty years following the First World War: disagreement among the victors; conflicts between former allies; repeated violations of the Covenant of the League of Nations, which was, we must remember, an instrument for world peace; and the progressive impotence of that international institution, which was unable to solve any of the problems of its day.
45. Today, as then, we are unfortunately facing if not the same problems, at least the same deep-seated trouble, which is amplified by the greater size of the international community. We are not among those who, reading the Introduction to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General [A/670l/Add,1], find it full of unwarranted pessimism. We are well aware that international problems are not as readily solved as domestic ones. They require great patience and great skill. But when we see so little progress made in a quarter of a century, when the forces of evil loom ever larger while future prospects keep on growing dimmer, it is only natural that we should be perplexed. That is the time to sound the alarm. This is exactly what the Secretary-General has had the courage to do, and we warmly commend him for it. He has done his duty. Ours is to ponder and to seek both the cause of our ills and the remedies for them.
46. These ills are to be found at all levels and in all sectors of international relations; first, with all due respect, in the relations between the great Powers; secondly, in the relations between the industrialized countries and the countries of the Third World; and, lastly, in the latter countries’ relations among themselves. These offer us an opportunity for self-criticism.
47. My statement, which I shall try to make fairly brief, will deal with these various aspects. At a time when we are perplexed and therefore disinclined to exert ourselves, when a certain lassitude invades and dulls our minds, it would seem useful to try to assess with some precision the problems that beset us, in order, if possible, to develop a new approach to them.
48. Our troubles, as I said, stem first of all from the relations between the great Powers.
49. On the morrow of the Second World War the great Powers, having conquered the enemy through joint action, proceeded to put into effect a far-reaching and generous plan intended to benefit all mankind. They meant to save mankind from the scourge of another war; to defend the fundamental rights of men and nations; to promote economic and social progress; and, for these ends, to practice tolerance and to unite to maintain international peace and security. All these things will be found in the Charter that was signed at San Francisco. This attitude was based on the optimism born of the euphoria of victory and on a certain trust among the victors, cemented in the trials of war. The great Powers regarded this lofty mission as a sacred duty.
50. We know, alas, what happened next. They became bogged down in what was termed "the cold war", with its train of mistrust, suspicion, accusations, demagogy, and a frantic search for client States for the purpose of building up zones of influence.
51. Central Europe and the Balkans, and then Asia, were affected by it, while at the same time various military blocs and alliances were formed. The concept of collective security was jettisoned. The United Nations stopped being what was expected of it, i.e. the highest forum for world harmony and understanding, and became a field of battle, each Power or group of Powers attempting to use it for their own ends, make it serve their own interests, and sometimes utilize it to cover up operations they would not own to. The controversy with regard to the peace-keeping operations, which is still continuing, and veto after veto on the enemy camp’s proposals — and those vetoes were numerous enough, in all conscience — attested to a deterioration in the climate of political relations between the great Powers and to a regression of international morality. Gradually, beyond the national State frontiers, a veritable "international frontier" was established, delimiting the zones of influence of the great Powers where the hostile worlds met. The cold war multiplied, as someone said, from the Baltic to the China Sea the zones of friction or sensitivity and the calculated pressures which were increased or relaxed depending on the circumstances.
52. Realizing how dangerous this state of affairs was for mankind, the great Powers came to an agreement on what is generally called "peaceful coexistence". In the present circumstances we cannot hope that they may advance from coexistence to co-operation, cooperation without mistrust or ulterior motives. Peaceful coexistence, then, is the lesser evil which we have to accept; but it is not a generous theory. It lacks human warmth; there is something frozen and static about it; it often tends to protect acquired positions, to maintain a status quo which is bound to be altered one day, for a status quo, alas, is often maintained to protect one’s own interests, to perpetuate conditions favourable to oneself at the expense of others.
53. If coexistence could be a sure guarantee of peace, if only for the time being, it would at least offer us a temporary comfort. But the truth is that this so-called peaceful coexistence is never entirely peaceful. Its purpose is, no doubt, to protect us from the risk of direct confrontation between the great Powers.
54. But peaceful coexistence never put a stop to the race for bases, the frenzied search for allies and strategic raw materials, the arms race, the manufacture and stock-piling of weapons of mass destruction on the pretext that they would act as a deterrent, localized wars waged by proxy, indirect participation in civil wars, the supply of weapons and troops sometimes camouflaged as volunteers and sometimes as mercenaries, and the training and equipment of foreign soldiers. The present situation in the Middle East and in some parts of Africa is a striking example.
55. Such methods, when used by those who have assumed the lofty undertaking of safeguarding the peace in accordance with the Charter, seem to us startling to say the least. They strike at the heart of international morality. Not only is there a lessening of trust; more importantly, men’s faith in a better future is also lessened.
56. Wherever we turn to look, we find ills which, unless they are done away with, presage a future for mankind as somber as the present. For, apart from the relations between the great Powers, these ills are also to be found in the poor organization of economic relations between the developed countries and the Third World.
57. A year ago [1414th meeting], my delegation commented forcefully on this scandal of the twentieth century and proposed the holding of an economic Bandung; such a conference will be held at Algiers next month. A world proletariat, comprising some 75 per cent of the population of this planet, and having only 15 per cent of the total world income to live on — 85 per cent of that income being enjoyed by only one quarter of the population — that is sheer madness. The United Nations Development Decade, a project which is now running its course, has failed to live up to the hopes it had aroused. And yet, its goals are modest enough, in all conscience, when compared with that scandalous phenomenon, international economic relations. Whether we look at trade in primary commodities, of which the developed countries are the principal sellers, or trade In manufactured goods, of which those countries are the main suppliers, or the natural resources to be found in our own regions, we see nothing to explain the vast difference between levels of living in the developed and the under-developed countries. This scandalous disparity stems solely from human selfishness and unfairness. It is curious that, although this fact is no longer denied by anyone and although the danger it represents for the future of the developed countries themselves, as well as of the underprivileged regions is generally recognized, only slight, not to say negligible, efforts are being made to remedy the situation. To have one one-hundredth of the national income of the developed countries transferred to the poor countries — is that really asking too much? But there is every indication that the Development Decade will have had no appreciable results. Yet the entire amount would be only a little more than $30 thousand million for the ten years in question. The Viet-Nam war alone costs $27 thousand million a year to one of the two sides.
58. Seeing the relative paucity of their aid to the development of backward regions, how can certain Powers feel surprised that an increasing number of developing countries should disapprove of their world policy? Assuming that those Powers are fighting to stop the spread of an ideology they do not share, is adding to the world proletariat the best way of achieving their aim? Would it not be better, on the contrary, to help to raise levels of living everywhere? Instead of sending arms to countries of the Middle East, would it not be better to help them to use their immense resources, from which they derive little benefit today, to transform the great deserts of Arabia into green pastures and arable land? Instead of encouraging secession by certain African countries in order to seize their copper, their oil, or whatever, would it not be better to reshape trade relations with them so that the trade would be mutually beneficial? In stead of sending mercenaries to some region or other in a desperate attempt to restore the status quo ante, would it not be better to initiate a useful dialogue with the peoples of the region with a view to setting up fruitful co-operation, in line with the requirements of our times? Dreams of conquest and covetous ambitions belong in museums; they have become anachronistic.
59. In any case, so long as the problem of developing the backward regions by revising international economic relations is not on the way to a solution, there can be no hope of one day freeing mankind of its ills.
60. Has not the time come to regard assistance by the developed countries towards raising levels of living in the Third World not as a mere moral duty any longer, but as a legal obligation? In this connexion, I cannot but express astonishment at the silence the great Powers have maintained from the beginning of this session on a problem of such vital importance to the Third World. It is true, of course, that the Third World itself should admit that it is in part responsible for the situation in which it finds itself. For some of our ills reside in the relations among the countries of the Third World.
61. It would not be honest to point an accusing finger at the others and chastely throw a veil over our own defects and shortcomings. At first sight, the Third World seems a global concept, a homogeneous whole with the same basic conditions everywhere. In fact, that is not so. Certainly we share the same aspirations, especially with regard to peace, protection of our independence, and economic and social development. We have tried, time and time again, to define and apply a unified global strategy vis-à-vis the great Powers; but we are forced to recognize that, despite such attempts, the States of the Third World tend increasingly to become "satellized", sometimes helping thereby to encourage the policy of blocs and the division of the world into enemy camps.
62. This satellization is almost a physical phenomenon, and one, unhappily, difficult to resist. Nevertheless, we have carefully evolved a policy of non-alignment, not only because we believe it to be in our interest to keep out of blocs and empires, but also because any reduction of areas of friction serves the interests of peace. The truth is that, try as we may, we shall never be as lucky as some countries, which were liberated in the nineteenth century and which have been able to build up buffer zones over a number of decades. There is no Monroe Doctrine for Africa or Asia. The troubles of the outside world have their repercussions on us, as our troubles have on the outside world. The Congo problem was a thorn in the side of the United Nations for a longtime. The Middle East crisis and the Viet-Nam war are the focus of world concern today.
63. The weakness of the Third World, however, is also caused by our own internal difficulties: instability within most of our States, which is certainly due to our economic weakness, but also — let us be frank about it — to institutions ill-suited to our particular conditions, to frontier quarrels and to tribal dissensions, all these being ailments that are characteristic of the Third World.
64. Other sources of permanent conflicts, in which we sometimes involve outside Powers because we cannot cope with them ourselves, are the differences in our political regimes, economic systems and chosen ideologies, particularly as between neighbouring States.
65. We are compelled to recognize today that the arms race is not confined to the great Powers. Unfortunately, and that is often our tragedy, we too engage in it, and while the size of our military budgets often bears no relation to our productive investments, it is obvious that the funds we invest in health, education and other areas of general development are slim in comparison with our military expenditure.
66. These are the ills that beset us, that beset mankind. If we look more closely, beyond the facts and the anomalies I have mentioned, we shall find that our general attitude and behaviour are open to criticism. Out of laziness or excessive caution — I would not say out of apathy — when faced with problems, we take positions that are dictated by the immediate circumstances. We tend to prefer expedients, temporary or provisional solutions, to solutions which go to the heart of the matter; the war in the Middle East is an example. We choose to deny self-evident facts and to believe in fictions; the Chinese problem is an example. Where solutions based on law and justice cannot be achieved by force, we do not avail ourselves of the benefits of a dialogue; the Viet-Namese problem is an example. We invoke principles, and we reject them when they no longer serve our purpose; the problem of the maintenance of peace and the competence attributed in turn to different United Nations organs by the great Powers are an example. We also often fall prey to dogmatism, intolerance and intransigence, and I admit this readily, for it is typical of the young nations we represent.
67. The above is a list, and a very incomplete one at that, of the ills that beset us. I am aware, of course, that I have made a severe diagnosis, one whose severity is perhaps equalled only by the incompetence of the diagnostician. But my country is merely attempting to search its conscience, as a member of the international community.
68. We stand in urgent need of defining anew attitude which would enable us not only to resolve our present difficulties but to clear the way for future action.
69. It seems to us that the first thing we must do is develop a sense of belonging to the world community. We members of the Senegalese delegation, like everyone here present, are representatives of a national State. But until we have taken careful stock of our national needs and requirements, and also of the needs and requirements of the world order which we see evolving, the changes and transformations we all must undergo before we enter into a new era must needs be accompanied by violence — for everything that is happening today indicates that a new era is about to dawn. Mankind cannot possibly survive unless it makes up its mind to do away with the anomalies of which it has become aware in recent years. Either men will be wise enough to prepare for the advent of the new order, or the new order will come about against their will, that is to say, by means of violent, unnecessary and gratuitous upheavals. In the meantime, however, we must be firmly resolved to abide by the rules of our changing society. Empire building, territorial conquest, interference in the domestic affairs of States, unwarranted appropriation of the resources of others, must all be banned in international life.
70. We must also not allow problems to deteriorate through lack of attention. International problems are often so vast, of course, that it is difficult to assess them fully and therefore to find balanced and just solutions for them. But we must not approach them in a spirit of helplessness or defeatism simply because they are complex.
71. The two problems which dominate this session and on which I shall now comment briefly — Viet-Nam and the Middle East — offer a striking illustration of this negative attitude.
72. It seems to us, as we said before, that the Viet-Namese problem must be sett ed by the Viet-Namese themselves. In this case, as in others, we must be guided by principle. The problem is essentially one of self-determination. The question is whether or not the Viet-Namese have the right freely to determine their destiny. But self-determination manifestly means cessation of all foreign intervention. It is not possible, it is intolerable that a foreign Power, whatever it may be and however generous its motives, should choose a preordained régime for Viet-Nam; the Viet-Namese people must not be subjected to any pressure, from near or from far. That presupposes, in particular, cessation of the bombings, as a first step conducive to negotiations. The Viet-Namese, and they alone, can decide whether they wish to form two separate States, with two different Governments, or whether they wish to merge into a single national community.
73. In this matter, our position is one of non-alignment; we are neither for the East nor for the West, neither for North Viet-Nam nor for South Viet-Nam. We stand on principle, on the side of the Charter, which in the last analysis means on the side of peace.
74. I remember a recent study on relations between the United States and the Third World. It reveals how close the people of the United States is to the Third World, because of its past as a colonized nation which paid dearly for its independence, and because of the fair and progressive position which some of its most illustrious sons took at one point on decolonization. But the study also shows that, because it recognizes no form of progress other than its own, the United States manages to give the impression that even its most generous plans are sinister plots against the freedom of other peoples. We for our part have no desire to' inveigh against anyone, but we are firmly convinced that the Viet-Namese problem must be settled, once again, by means of negotiation, and any measure that might encourage negotiation should be given immediate consideration.
75. Our position with regard to the Middle East was stated clearly when a vote was taken at the fifth emergency session. We do not question the existence of the State of Israel. All the States of the Middle East have a right to existence and to territorial integrity. But, for that very reason, we strongly favour the withdrawal of Israel troops from all occupied Arab territories.
76. Naturally, the substantive problems raised by the presence of Israel in the midst of the Arab world must be examined. Naturally, no one can oblige the Arab nations to recognize Israel. But it would be good to bring about a more relaxed and tranquil atmosphere, one less dangerous to both sides, so that attention can be given to the substantive problems without whose solution no peace can be hoped for in that part of the world.
77. The fate of the Palestinian refugees is not merely a political problem; it is also a human problem, and it remains unsolved after twenty years. The status of the Gulf of Aqaba must he defined once and for all, and so must the status of all waterways in the area. But, here again, it should be recognized that the Arabs and the Jews are not the only ones responsible. The conditions under which Palestine was partitioned were such that what happened was bound to happen. Moreover, since the 1948 explosion, which followed the adoption by the Assembly of a plan for the partition of Palestine [resolution 181 (II)], that region has been living on borrowed time. Armistice commissions were set up pending restoration of a stable peace. These commissions still exist, at least on paper, and we are still awaiting the stable peace promised us.
78. A second disturbance, which occurred in 1956, likewise failed to accelerate the search for a solution. The United Nations confined itself to stationing some blue berets along the borders. The blue berets remained there for eleven years. Peace is not to be maintained by such methods. It is time now, it is high time, to seek drastic remedies for a situation that has been with us all too long. It is our view that such remedies should be based on resolution 181 (II) of 1947. This resolution, of course, set up a Jewish State; but it also created a Palestinian Arab State. It established a status for the city of Jerusalem, a city which, being of concern to three religious communities, should be preserved from the uncertainties of political fluctuations.
79. But before we can deal with the substantive problems, passions must die down, and it is the duty of each one of us, whatever views we may take of these problems, to remain calm, help to bring about a relaxation of tension, and talk sense to both parties. Israel and its supporters have nothing to gain from prolonging the humiliation of the Arabs; nor have the Arabs anything to gain from maintaining extremist positions which, we believe, are not endorsed by world opinion. This is why we hope that the Khartoum Conference will mark a turning point and will have given birth to a realistic policy which, while defending the legitimate interests of the Arab nation, by whose woes my country is particularly moved, will take account of the need to maintain peace throughout the world. Whatever difficulties we may encounter in our respective regions, whatever bitterness we may feel at the repeated reverses which history, of course, deals out to all peoples, we must never jeopardize world peace, for it is the precious possession of all mankind. To forsake peaceful coexistence because of the Middle East would be madness, for regional conflicts, no matter how acute or how important, cannot be solved unless the world is at peace.
80. These are the comments my delegation wished to submit to the General Assembly. Shall this session, marked at its opening by disenchantment and a sense of impotence, end in failure? Whatever happens, we must not regard our impotence as an established fact, for that would mean an abdication, a resignation, on our part. It would mean denying, not only the United Nations, which we would not so deny, but our very reason for being. That is why, however great the difficulties, delays, reverses and failures we encounter, we must continue on our way. Stormy and threatening as the international skies may be, we must hope for a break in the clouds that will permit us to plot our course to a future of peace and concord. We who are the crew must not desert the ship.