115. The international situation has never, perhaps, been more dangerous than it is today. There are highly dangerous crises in a number of places in the world; colonialist domination is still rife in Africa and elsewhere; and economic and social underdevelopment is still the lot of many peoples.
116. It is in this highly charged atmosphere that the present session of the General Assembly is being held. The responsibilities thus resting on our shoulders are enormous, and our obligations overwhelming.
117. Your election to the Presidency in these circumstances, Mr. President, places a very heavy burden on your shoulders. The Moroccan delegation is convinced that your abilities and your long experience of international problems are ample guarantees of the success of the work of the Assembly; and in congratulating you heartily on your impressive election, it wishes to assure you of its complete cooperation.
118. It is likewise a pleasure for me, on behalf of my delegation and in my own name, to pay a warm tribute to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Abdul Rahman Pazhwak, for the deep understanding, the wisdom and the competence with which he steered the extremely arduous work of three successive sessions of the General Assembly.
119. As I say, the international community is at present beset by a number of crises. The most recent of these crises, which is still as acute as when it erupted, and which endangered and continues to endanger world peace, is that brought on by Israel's aggression against the Arab countries.
120. The emergency special session of the General Assembly which met to examine that crisis closed on a note of helplessness, leaving all the Arab countries, and peace-loving and fair-minded peoples everywhere, with a depressing sense of disillusionment and frustration. In thus showing itself incapable of condemning the aggressor and forcing him to withdraw his troops from the occupied territories, the United Nations revealed a dangerous powerlessness in the face of a problem of the utmost importance for international peace and security.
121. It is of course not the first time that the Organization has had brought home to it the limitations on its powers when it has to settle crucial issues. But it seems to us that the Member States would be driving the United Nations still further along the road to disaster if they did not see to it that it assumed its full responsibilities under the Charter, whose primary concern is the safeguarding of international peace.
122. Premeditated aggression against three States Members of this Organization; the occupation and exploitation of vast sectors of their territories, seriously curtailing their economic potential; annexation of the City of Jerusalem, which enjoyed the respect and tranquillity essential to its spiritual status as a Holy Place sacred to all confessions: these are violations both of international law and of the principles of the Charter. In addition, hundreds of thousands of new refugees have been prevented from returning to their homes, thus aggravating a human and social problem that has been discussed here in the Assembly for years without any solution whatsoever being forthcoming.
123. In the face of all these crimes, all these grave infringements of human rights by a Member of this Assembly, what has the United Nations done? Alas, very little. It has stood by, a helpless spectator. watching these manifest violations of the Charter take place. Intoxicated by the success of its aggression and encouraged by the inaction of the United Nations, Israel has refused, and continues to refuse, to implement the resolutions of the Assembly, adopted unanimously though they were, calling upon it to repeal the measures taken to annex Jerusalem. This defiance on the part of the aggressor, coupled with the passive attitude of the Organization, has considerably shaken the confidence placed in the United Nations by the small countries unable to equip themselves with powerful means of defence and still looking to its authority as their mainstay and the guarantee of their sovereignty and territorial integrity.
124. Does not the failure of the Organization in the face of such a problem constitute a dangerous precedent? Will it not encourage this or that bellicose State one of these days to embark with bold impunity on plans for conquest? Does not Israel set us with an ungodly example as it goes on violating the cease-fire time after time and announcing through certain of its leaders new invasions and new destructions to come?
125. On this point, I should like to furnish the Assembly with striking proof of the premeditated character of the aggressive and expansionist policy of the Israel leaders by quoting a passage from an article published in July 1965 in the United States magazine Foreign Affairs and signed by the Israel Foreign Minister. He states as follows:
"It is not absurd to imagine Arab leaders ardently urging ‘a return to the frontier of 1966 or 1967', just as they now urge a return to the frontier of 1947."
126. Such facts are deeply disturbing; they shake our faith in an Organization whose international repute we are anxious to safeguard, and they augur a gloomy and uncertain future for mankind unless really effective remedies are rapidly found and applied.
127. We earnestly hope that the work of the present session will help to allay the disquiet felt by the majority of Members of the Organization. This can only be done through fairness and firmness of decision in the settlement of international differences. More specifically, it is the Assembly's duty to study the situation created in the Middle East by Israel's aggression and to secure, in accordance with the principles of the Charter, the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israel's troops from the occupied Arab territories. There can be no doubt that any solution or decision to this effect is bound to help to re-establish the authority of the Organization and call forth a favourable and beneficial reaction from all peace-loving peoples.
128. We feel sure that the international community, aware as it is of the dangers and the consequences inherent in the situation prevailing in the Middle East today, cannot in all justice accept this fait accompli or acquiesce in it.
129. How is it possible, in fact, to remain indifferent when the aggressor, only a month or two after his invasion of the Arab territories, reveals his true designs by openly proclaiming the irreversibility of the annexation of Jerusalem and by continuing to occupy the conquered areas, transforming occupation into annexation pure and simple by overturning the demographic structure lock, stock and barrel to further Israel's colonization policy? And in such circumstances, what is to be the attitude of the countries that are the victims of this aggression? Should they bow down, turning their backs on their history, their culture and their dignity, before the brutality and arrogance of an aggressor who no longer even makes a secret of his plans for expansion? Should they abandon hundreds of thousands of refugees to the horrors of destitution and exile, forced to beg their daily bread while the foreigner exploits their wealth? How can anyone honestly expect this of the Arab countries or of any other Member of the Organization? This Assembly is in duty bound to give us satisfactory answers to these questions and to take the necessary firm decisions.
130. Another problem that likewise causes international public opinion constant concern is the conflict in Viet-Nam. For over a quarter of a century the country has been ravaged by war, and unfortunately no solution implying the restoration of peace to the area has as yet been found. My own country has at all times expressed heartfelt sympathy for the Viet-Namese people and the courage and patience with which they have endured such suffering and such sacrifices. But we cannot humanly expect them to go on much longer suffering the cruel trials of this war. For this reason, my Government supports and will continue to support all initiatives and all efforts calculated to put an end to the hostilities in that part of South-East Asia. Acceptance by all the parties involved of the 1954 Geneva Agreements as a basis for a settlement would, in the opinion of my Government, constitute an important step towards a satisfactory solution of the conflict.
131. We have noted with interest that both in this Assembly and elsewhere, the idea has been mooted that a halt in the bombing of North Viet-Nam might also constitute a stepping-stone toward peace negotiations. In any case, whatever ultimately may be the procedures for bringing the war to an end and restoring peace to the region, my Government believes that the Viet-Namese people as a whole are entitled to choose whatever political and social régime they wish, of their own accord and without interference from outside.
132. The conditions conducive to a genuine and lasting peace cannot be effectively established unless an attack is made at the same time on another evil, colonialism, which is still one of the main obstacles to genuine understanding between peoples and to open and sincere co-operation. We are in fact firmly convinced that the persistence of colonialism and its ideological appendages in certain parts of the world is definitely a source of tension and disturbance which sooner or later may well degenerate into dangerous conflict.
133. Here, of course, we have in mind particularly our own continent of Africa, where in one or two places, in defiance of all good sense and in spite of the lessons of quite recent history, foreign Powers still maintain colonial and racial domination, two phenomena not only anachronistic but dangerously explosive.
134. Needless to say, we are thinking first and foremost of the problem of South West Africa, to which the last regular session and the fifth special session devoted particular attention. Here is a Territory still held fast in the colonial grip. To be consistent with itself and with its historic resolution of 27 October 1966 [resolution 2145 (XXI)] which brought to an end South Africa's Mandate over the Territory and made the United Nations responsible henceforth for its administration, the Assembly must now redouble its efforts to liberate South West Africa. To this end, it must overcome all obstacles, all vacillation, all opposition, whether overt or disguised, and find practical and effective means of bringing the people of South West Africa to independence.
135. Elsewhere, another part of southern Africa, Southern Rhodesia, continues to be the scene of a further racist adventure which neither universal condemnation nor the sanctions imposed have succeeded in halting. We would like to think that it is not yet too late for the Organization to intervene, more energetically and effectively, so as to put an end to the unlawful regime of Ian Smith, as well as to the colonial oppression that continues to thrive unpunished in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea.
136. While the dominant note in the African situation is more often than not one of intransigence of the colonial regimes, we are still ready to welcome any sign likely to lead to the emancipation of the territories under foreign domination.
137. On this point I should like to refer to a problem that concerns my country, namely that of the Territories of Ifni and Sahara, with which the Organization has been concerned for some years. I am happy to inform the Assembly that His Majesty the King of Morocco and the Spanish Chief of State, bearing in mind the many points our peoples have in common and the traditional links between the two countries, and taking account of the provisions of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-first session [2229 (XXI)], have exchanged correspondence on this problem. An agreement in principle has just been concluded between the two Governments on the practical application of the resolution concerning the Territory of Ifni. May I in this connexion express the hope that this constructive episode will be the prelude to the settlement of all the other problems of decolonization.
138. While on this subject, there is another problem area very close to my country, on the other side of the Strait, namely Gibraltar. My Government believes that the fate of Gibraltar should be decided in a sensible manner through negotiations between the parties concerned.
139. Yet another problem closely linked with the preceding ones and no less tragic is that of the development of the military potential in the world. In the face of this problem the Assembly cannot, short of betraying the spirit of the Charter, continue to be content with declarations of intent or recommendations of principle. All here are aware of the true nature of this problem. We all recognize in our heart of hearts how absurd and dangerous is the frenzied arms race going on in various parts of the world, and particularly between the great Powers. We all know of the vast technical and financial resources being devoted to the production and increase of conventional and nuclear weapons and the potential economic aid that the cessation of the arms race would release for the benefit of the developing countries.
140. But the role of the Organization in this field must not be confined to compiling information and reports while weapons are being stockpiled. Its role, we believe, is to find common ground likely to lead to agreements acceptable to all, to bring about a gradual reduction of arms production, and to establish confidence among States, a matter of vital necessity for international relations.
141. In this respect my country has always given full support to United Nations action in the sphere of general and complete disarmament and in that of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the suspension of nuclear tests. In this respect too, though in a regional context and in the interests of preserving the brotherly relations existing between Morocco and Algeria, my Government felt it opportune to put an end to the arms race in North Africa. In this connexion I should like to refer to the letter sent by His Majesty the King of Morocco on 28 February 1967 to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. In it His Majesty stated that:
"The objective of our country is peace, which it wishes to extend and consolidate through mutual co-operation and coexistence."
The letter went on to say:
"[Morocco] believes that such a choice could be its contribution to general prosperity, to international stability and to the security of all peoples who sincerely believe in the principles of the United Nations, of peaceful coexistence and of international co-operation."
142. The ultimate aim of this coexistence and this dynamic co-operation we are seeking is more! specifically the all-round development of man. The folly of social, economic and technical under-development is perhaps the greatest tragedy of our century. After being for ages subject to the colonial yoke, vast sectors of mankind are now a prey to all manner of difficulties which prevent them from pursuing their development, and at times jeopardize their very right to exist. The bitter truth of what I say is no longer familiar only to a handful of experts; it has become a known fact shared by all men. No one can be unaware any longer that at a time when a minority of mankind is enjoying overdevelopment, millions of human beings in Asia, Africa and Latin America are living in inhuman conditions.
143. There was a time when we spoke only of the evils of ignorance; when we felt that the "transfer of knowhow" was enough to transform sluggish economies into dynamic ones; when we thought that a few gifts handed out to two thirds of mankind would be a decisive contribution. But the crisis, instead of abating, has worsened, and the danger has increased with the spectre of the population explosion, the scarcity of food, the imbalance in the terms of trade, and the falling-off in productivity and national income.
144. Of course, the more prosperous countries have never ignored these dangers and have even shown some solidarity vis-à-vis the more hard-pressed countries. But objectively speaking, can it be contended that this awareness and this expression of solidarity have always been commensurate with the needs? That is a primary question we have the right to ask.
145. The United Nations has had the virtue of giving the problems of development of the Third World countries the attention they deserve in the present state of the world by declaring the 1960s the United Nations Development Decade. This well-timed initiative was reinforced by the creation of new organizations such as the UNCTAD Trade and Development Board and UNIDO, which have breathed new life into the struggle against the obstacles to development.
146. While some have argued, justifiably, that the Decade has been one not of development but of frustration, we cannot but recognize that it has greatly contributed to international awareness of the problems. Clearly the assessment of the results at the accounting level is somewhat disappointing. But the body of knowledge and experience gathered over the last few years will undoubtedly give a strong fillip to the next Decade, for which the Committee for Development Planning is already preparing guidelines and proposals.
147. Morocco associates itself wholeheartedly with all efforts made along these lines in the United Nations, and supports the suggestion of the Committee for Development Planning that a charter should be adopted for the Second Development Decade. However, my country stresses the need for the charter to be in keeping with the means available and not merely a text filled with lofty ideals but devoid of realism. In this connexion we note with everyday that passes that the volume of assistance is declining, that lending conditions are becoming more and more rigid and that domestic savings and available foreign currency are below the level needed to purchase the equipment essential for the development of the countries of the Third World.
148. The aid policy of the industrialized countries is tending to harden in a way which leaves the shaky economies of countries with modest revenues helpless; and we observe with some concern the growth of an international economic malaise which, if not remedied in time, might well involve the international community in a crisis of which it is difficult to envisage all the repercussions.
149. Hence, without wishing to pillory any particular rich country or to criticize the meagreness of this or that form of aid, we must point out that it would be more useful if the developed countries, instead of harking back to selfish theories of domestic balance, were to recognize the inevitable interaction of economic phenomena in the world.
150. The need for a reappraisal of the international balance of economic forces is no longer in doubt. Without this there can be no true and lasting economic expansion for anyone. The question is no longer that of ascertaining whether the vast market offered by the Third World for products from the developed countries can be dropped without danger for the latter, but rather that of recognizing the common destiny of all nations, whose prosperity, when all is said and done, is interdependent.
151. When the Third World countries plead for more equitable treatment in respect of trade in their products, the lifting of measures hampering the movement of capital, and improvement of the conditions of both multilateral and bilateral assistance, they are only claiming what is their due. This claim is the expression of their awareness that they are fully-fledged members of an international community in a constant state of growth, a community whose prosperity they have actively helped to create by their natural resources, their consumer capacity and even their skilled personnel.
152. Here we must reject the allegation that the countries of the Third World make less effort than their under-development necessitates; on the contrary. No sooner were they freed from the colonial system than they have had to enter the race to achieve progress with all the handicap of their age-long backwardness. The task involved is Herculean; in other words a realistic policy based on an objective appraisal of the situation is essential. My own country has decided to pursue this task resolutely, concentrating on the vital, priority sectors of the national economy such as agriculture, the training of skilled personnel, population policy and industrial development geared to local possibilities.
153. This sectoral approach to development is the fruit of our conviction that with the limited means a developing country is likely to possess, it is more efficient to focus them on priorities which will engender fruitful activities for the population than to spread them thinly over several sectors and not be sure that any of them will really get off the ground.
154. I cannot conclude this statement without reverting to what we believe to be a crucial problem for the future of the United Nations and appealing to all the Members of the Assembly to examine, as objectively and conscientiously as they can, the tragic situation created in the Middle East by the Israel aggression against the Arab States, and to reflect on the serious effect which failure to condemn an overt and flagrant act of aggression followed by occupation would be bound to have on the very existence of the Organization, and hence on the international situation.
155. The United Nations must put an end to this explosive situation brought about by Israel’s aggression. The evacuation of the occupied Arab territories and the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees to their countries which have been despoiled for more than twenty years constitute the basic prerequisite for stability in that region.
156. Nor is there any need to stress that the recurrence of acts of violence in the region will inevitably lead in the long run to further armed conflict, for no country can tolerate the installation of occupation troops on its soil in defiance of all morality and of all international law.
157. We hope and trust that the present session of the Assembly will put an end to this flagrant injustice and thus restore the faith of the peoples of the world in the efficacy and the future of the United Nations.
158. We have been pleased to observe of late a growing awareness on the part of international public opinion, which, after being misled at the outset by massive Zionist propaganda, is beginning to understand Israel's true objectives, its policy of invasion and annexation, and all the destruction, suffering and ruin that go with them.
159. We are convinced that the Assembly will do its duty, soberly and justly. The tasks before it today are heavy indeed, and call for the understanding and goodwill of all. Every one of us must give proof of his desire for peace, his sense of international responsibility and of the realities of our world today. The Moroccan delegation will spare no effort, as far as its means permit, to ensure the success of our work.
160. Twenty years of existence and experience, a number of crises satisfactorily overcome, constitute a good beginning and could make this Organization the ideal instrument of progress and understanding among nations. In the spirit of the Charter, this tribune is destined to be the meeting-point for a peaceful and dynamic dialogue between ideas and men of all complexions and all continents.
161. Despite the convulsions which shake the world today, Morocco would like once again to express its confidence in the United Nations and to voice the hope that the Organization will fulfil the aspiration of all men and become the hub of a responsible policy at world level, without ever betraying or distorting the goals of the Charter.