118. Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. My delegation notes with pleasure that for the first time we have a President from a socialist country. We welcome this development as a further demonstration of the universality of this Organization. My delegation is convinced that, under your able leadership, the twenty-second session will make a significant contribution towards the reduction of international tension and the strengthening of friendly relations between States. I should also like to take this opportunity to pay my tribute to His Excellency Mr. Abdul Rahman Pazhwak of Afghanistan for the great skill and statesmanship with which he guided the work of the twenty-first session.
119. We meet today at a time when explosive issues pose a serious threat to international peace and security. It is time for reflection and a realistic appraisal of the situation. It is a crucial moment for deep heart-searching and agonizing decisions in the interests of peace and understanding. Failure to act prudently could spell disaster for the world. On the other hand, sane action could avert such a disaster. The choice is ours: we should not long delay it nor pretend that such dangers do not exist.
120. The first major issue I wish to deal with is the Middle East crisis. The Middle East situation, already very complicated, has been rendered even more intractable of solution by the recent outbreak of war.
121. My Government maintains diplomatic relations with both the Arab States and the State of Israel, and we believe that every sovereign State in that area is entitled to peaceful existence. All the parties concerned should get together for constructive talks. One major obstacle in the way of constructive and fruitful talks is the occupation of Arab territory by Israeli troops. My Government in principle is opposed to the acquisition of territory through the use of force and cannot therefore support territorial acquisitions arising out of the recent war in the Middle East. One cannot but assume that the presence of Israeli troops in the Sinai Peninsula greatly contributes to the continued closure of the Suez Canal. My delegation views with serious concern the effects on international commerce of the closure of the Canal.
122. My delegation welcomes, the presence of the United Nations in the affected areas to promote an effective cease-fire, and considers that it should remain for as long as is necessary. It could also be used for the supervision of the withdrawal of troops from occupied areas.
123. It Is well known that the aftermath of this war has gravely aggravated the problem of refugees in the Middle East. Israel and the Arab countries should be assisted in planning a comprehensive scheme that would cater for all the refugees. The problem facing the refugees will be best dealt with in an atmosphere of peace. War propaganda, which can only inflame the tense situation in the area, should be avoided as it will impede all peace efforts. Furthermore, it is imperative that no party directly involved in the current crisis, or any external party that may be interested, should engage in or encourage hostilities or aggression. No effort should be spared to encourage the holding of discussions and negotiations aimed at bringing about an honourable and peaceful settlement through the machinery of the United Nations.
124. The other issue of grave concern to world peace is the Viet-Nam war. The exceedingly dangerous situation in Viet-Nam is a forceful reminder of how close we live to a general war, of the futility of violence and war, of the incalculable loss of life and property, and of the catastrophe produced by rigid and misguided policies and concepts of great Power roles in world politics. Humanitarianism, and a people's destiny and well-being are relegated to second consideration. Grand ambitions of ideological victory have become more important than respect for human life and a false sense of national prestige reigns over common sense. While desperate attempts are being made to find a peace formula, the intensified military activity is bound to sabotage these efforts.
125. My Government's policy on Viet-Nam is clear. Our paramount interest is the restoration of peace. We do not subscribe to the policy of containing Communism or the policy of spreading it through the barrel of a gun. We believe that any military solution that may be imposed by force of arms will never be permanent. We hold the view that the situation requires a negotiated political settlement on the basis of the Geneva Agreements. Cessation or scaling down of hostilities would no doubt facilitate negotiations. Every effort towards this end should be made by the parties involved and, in our view, this must Include the National Front for Liberation.
126. The Vietnamese people as a whole should be allowed to establish a representative and effective government that does not always depend on any great Power for installation and its consolidation of power. We believe that the United States Government should be persuaded to see the futility and dangers of continued and intensified bombing of North Viet-Nam. Despite military build-up, the war has not been won and the Vietnamese people's suffering has not been lessened. The logical lesson that emerges from the past and continuing trend of events is that negotiation, and not escalation of the war, is the answer. This lesson should impel the parties involved to manifest good faith and respond to appeals for an effective cease-fire in order to promote a politically negotiated solution to the crisis.
127. I should now like to address myself to the problems pertaining to Africa, I should like to start with Rhodesia. My Government, in totally rejecting the unilateral declaration of independence by the unrepresentative and illegal Smith régime, holds Britain fully responsible for allowing the rebellion to linger on by reliance on constitutional technicalities, evasive techniques, and half-hearted measures that were known, if not In fact designed, to be Ineffective right from their inception. We hold the British Government wholly responsible for terminating the rebellion by decisive action, if only in defence of legal and moral principles that Britain always claims to pursue and uphold.
128. The British Government, in continuing to make formal and furtive contacts with the Smith régime, offers Smith great and needed opportunities to pretend to the world that a negotiated settlement with him is possible. By so doing, Britain is giving Smith and his minority band of rabid racists more time to entrench themselves. On this I would like to quote my President, Jomo Kenyatta, who, on Madaraka Day last year, said:
"In our view, no solution could be found in furtive discussions at junior level between the colonial Power and the delegates of an unlawful régime. Clearly, the African nationalist leaders in Rhodesia must share in the task of negotiating a final settlement. If necessary, this must be brought about by means of compulsion and force."
129. Events have proved clearly that selective mandatory economic sanctions have failed to topple the Smith régime. The régime has consolidated its position through collusion with South Africa, Portugal and other Powers whose economic interests override human and moral considerations. It is time that, in deference to truth and reality, the British Government acknowledge that economic sanctions have no bite in them and that sterner measures are needed. I again quote my President who, on the occasion of State opening of Parliament early this year, said:
"A gang of disloyal settlers has imposed a police state on Rhodesians, black and white alike. They are desperate men. There may be no limit to the misfortunes they would bring down upon the Rhodesians rather than surrender. They must be made to surrender. If one method fails, another more effective must be used."
My President on the same occasion further stated: "We look to those who proclaim their friendship for Africa, and their belief in justice, to give convincing proof of their sincerity."
130. It is a matter of public record that this sincerity has not been forthcoming. As the report of the Secretary-General [A/6701] shows clearly, the very countries which voted for the resolution on the selective mandatory economic sanctions are in the forefront among those who frustrate its implementation, My delegation strongly condemns these countries.
131. Let me reiterate that my Government will never compromise on the principle that majority rule must precede the granting of legal independence to the rightful people of Zimbabwe. Implicit in this stand is the fact that we believe unswervingly that the principle of "one man, one vote" under a non-discriminatory franchise should be implemented. Furthermore, my Government is totally opposed to the fruitless and furtive talks that are conducted with the Smith régime. This is playing for time. This is endangering the fate of 4 million Africans who are not even represented at these talks. Clearly the African nationalist leaders in Rhodesia must play a predominant role in shaping their own future by participating in the negotiations for a final settlement. All manoeuvres to date have failed. It is evident that the final settlement should now be brought about by compulsion. Let me warn that any delay in settling the issue justly will further entrench the Smith régime and will be detrimental to the interests of the Rhodesian people as a whole.
132. Already Smith has embarked on discriminatory and oppressive legislative measures which are identical to apartheid in South Africa. In addition, he has invited South African troops into Zimbabwe for the purpose of suppressing the African nationalists in their struggle for independence. In the face of this my Government calls on Britain to expel those foreign troops from its colony.
133. Kenya's policy on colonialism is clear and firm. Our goal is the total liquidation of colonialist presence from African soil and indeed everywhere in the world. We shall continue to support liberation movements to the best of our ability until colonialism and white racism are removed from the face of Africa. My President, on the occasion quoted above, said that:
"The burning issue of Rhodesia has never for a moment made us forget the plight of our brothers in Angola, Mozambique and South Africa. They are assured of determined support from the Republic of Kenya in their struggle against cruelty and oppression .... We have noted the growing extremism of the South African Government and the increase of their armaments, But let these last apostles of apartheid remember that no one in history has prevailed for long against the determined demand of the human spirit for freedom and justice."
134. My Government stands strongly opposed to Portuguese colonialism in Mozambique, Angola and in so-called Portuguese Guinea. Portugal's colonial rule in Africa is more than 400 years old. Portugal has done nothing to develop the Territories under its rule except to exploit their economic resources for its own benefit. Kenya maintains that the only proper way to development is for Portugal to grant political independence to its colonies. It must realize, as have other colonial Powers, that its economic relations with Africa can best be served on the basis of equality and interdependence between sovereign States. By granting independence to its colonies the basis of the present conflict with African States will disappear.
135. The South African régime is the most outstanding symbol of human suppression in the world today. Its imposed order is sustained by the financial interests of certain countries. Those countries are guilty of supporting the order which derives its strength and perverted pleasure from persecution, discrimination and the insane philosophy of apartheid.
136. Kenya is opposed to the policies of the South African Government and will continue to struggle against them until democracy is established in that country. In line with this policy the Government of Kenya, on achieving independence, severed all economic and trade relations with South Africa, terminated all landing rights for South African aircraft and closed the South African consulate in Nairobi. That remains the policy of my Government. We have no intention of establishing any relations, economic or diplomatic, with South Africa until there is a democratically elected Government or a Government representing the majority of the people in that country.
137. My Government firmly and unconditionally rejects as illegal the present efforts of the South African Government to extend the hated system of apartheid to South West Africa. We have stated previously that the status of South West Africa continues to be that of a Trusteeship Territory. Our position remains unchanged. My Government fully supports the recent efforts by the United Nations to assume control of administration in South West Africa and to prepare the Territory for self-determination. At the same time we deplore the attitude of the major Powers in refusing to co-operate with the United Nations in this respect.
138. Allow me to associate my delegation and myself with the most pertinent observation made by His Excellency Mr. Pazhwak of Afghanistan when he addressed us at the beginning of this session concerning the threats posed by mercenaries in some developing countries, and more particularly in Africa. He said:
"Another new species of war is the insidious use of mercenary forces to invade foreign lands. These illegitimate armies without flags and without government backing may, if they continue to develop as a feature of the modern power struggle, add the spectacle of thirteenth century piracy and marauding to mock the Age of Reason. The great danger for us is that these faceless forces evade the peace procedures governing international relations and erode the narrow beachheads of international law so painstakingly established. We must scotch this movement in its infancy as a new force for chaos in our time." [1560th meeting, para. 27.]
139. This new type of external interference and subversion which is being directed against the sovereign independence and territorial integrity of newly emergent States are the latest imperialist manoeuvres to embarrass and frustrate the dignity of such States. We cannot but condemn these new tactics in Africa. We call upon the countries from which those gentlemen of fortune are recruited to stop such recruitment.
140. Permit me to state my Government's policy with regard to the question of the seating of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. I wish to reiterate that, in accordance with my Government's previous stand, we continue to support the representation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and in its various organs. We believe that it is important to recognize the realities of the political situation. These realities dictate that the People's Republic of China deserves to be seated here.
141. In concluding my statement, let me appeal to my fellow representatives that, in tackling the problems that are before this session, we should avoid apathy and ideological partisanship. We should aim at achieving tangible results. This is what the world expects from this august Assembly. In this way we shall be making a contribution to the ideals out of which this Organization was born.