48. Mr. President, on behalf of Colombia I should like to join in the well-justified congratulations that have been addressed to you upon your assuming the high office of President of the General Assembly at this twenty-second session. Those of us who welcome your election do so in the certitude that, in conformity with your clear record and your career as a statesman, an eminent internationalist and a staunch friend of peace, you will direct our work with impartiality, justice, propriety and intelligence, in a task that will not be easy but that, encouraged by these lofty purposes, will of necessity help towards the solution of the serious problems with which we are called upon to deal.
49. This is the second time that, as Foreign Minister of Colombia, I have come to address this august forum. I do so with the respect that my country has always felt for the representatives of all the peoples of the world that have their place here and I come imbued with my country's traditional spirit of peace and resolved to apply this spirit to the decisions of this world Organization. I am glad, therefore, to reiterate these sentiments to you, to offer you our respectful greetings and to assure you of the admiration and affection that the people of Colombia feel for each of the peoples represented here.
50. We could not really feel satisfied, calm or in agreement with the situation with which we are faced at the beginning of this session of the General Assembly. The world has been unable to rid itself of fear, malaise and injustice, which are still characteristics of the present era. Violence is breaking out everywhere, with its train of bitterness and sorrow, and we are all filled with a foreboding that if certain situations are not remedied promptly, it may well be that world disaster may prove unavoidable.
51. In my statement on behalf of Colombia in the general debate at the twenty-first session [1416th meeting], I analysed the defects of our Organization and the efficiency it has occasionally shown in the preservation of peace. They are structural defects which, instead of being corrected, have been accentuated; far from there being any firm collective determination to rectify them, there seems to be an inexplicable design on the part of some Governments to retain them. That explains why our Organization has been unable to take action to achieve and impose peace in Asia. It also explains why it was unable to adopt any effective means of preventing the sad conflict in the Near East. The truth is that we cannot go on like this; the truth is that we cannot look on with cold indifference, or, if you wish, with anguish, while the world moves towards the abyss, nor can we afford to refrain from action to prevent the perpetration of the deeds that are going on before our eyes.
52. The non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is the first concern of the world of today and it will remain so as long as the spectre of an atomic conflagration looms up as a horrifying future prospect. Unfortunately, the efforts that the General Assembly has been making to halt the production and expansion of nuclear weapons have not made much progress.
53. The industrialized countries do not want to fall behind or to be at a military disadvantage in relation to the countries which possess such weapons and it would not be surprising if even the less-developed countries too might want, to test their devices. For the time being there are two countries which are completely outside any international control for the testing and manufacture of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons and which possess them; France and Communist China.
54. It is no good belittling the danger that the proliferation of nuclear weapons presents for the world by arguing that the very fact of their terrifying destructive power, which could wipe out our present civilization, will always inhibit States from starting a conflagration of this kind. If we review the history of mankind, we see clearly that ambition and the desire to predominate have never known any barriers, and certainly not that of consideration of the inexpressible horrors that any armed conflict entails. Even today we hear macabre conjectures of the advantage that an atomic war could be for over-populated countries.
55. It is nevertheless encouraging, in the midst of this gloomy picture, to record the adoption at Mexico City, on 14 February of this year, of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America. For Colombia the paramount interest of this Treaty lies in the fact that it prevents nuclear competition among the Latin American countries in that it imposes upon them the obligation to refrain in future from possessing or manufacturing such weapons. Our peoples are overwhelmed with need, even to achieve minimum conditions for leading a life worthy of human beings and for enjoying the benefits of civilization. All that we can invest in this effort is a mere trifle compared with the magnitude of the need, and if one of the countries of Latin America were to decide to manufacture nuclear weapons we should soon see the others following suit, committing a large part of their scanty resources to it. We do not, therefore, want to be confronted with this state of affairs, which would be fatal for a region that is desperately striving to achieve development and which would thus see all its hopes of recovery shattered.
56. The ability of our world Organization to fulfil the essential purpose of its existence, its true raison d’être, that of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, is still in question and is a serious matter not only for its prestige but for its very survival. Once again, in the recent Arab-Israel conflict, to which I shall refer later, the United Nations has shown itself powerless to prevent it.
57. We realize, however, that to bring about any change in the situation I have described is no easy matter. With the passage of time since the victorious Powers of the Second World War and their then allies conceived and created this Organization, subsequent developments have produced a world in which the marvels of technological progress are accompanied by a sharpening of social conflict and international mistrust. And in this stormy process the Members of our Organization are either the main protagonists or are involved or compromised. To speak of the non-aligned countries is almost meaningless. All countries are fettered to situations which certainly do not allow them complete freedom of action and, as is natural, each one or each group wants its own interests to prevail. Thus the true and supreme interests of mankind are relegated to a lower plane in this grim struggle, this fight between the Powers, this surge of material appetites and transactions and calculations. It would be inconceivable in such a world that the members of the Security Council would be willing to forgo their veto power and in democratic fair play to submit to a competent majority that would impose certain obligations on them against their will. If that is impossible, it will be equally impossible for us to place ourselves at last in the only position that is admissible for this world Organization, which, if it fails to take that position, will see its prestige diminishing day by day in public opinion: namely, its full ability to prevent war and to safeguard peace.
58. The United Nations General Assembly will at this session concern itself once again with the conflict that has occurred in the Near East between the Arab States and Israel. I should like, on behalf of my Government, to make a fresh appeal for common sense, and even human brotherliness, in order that we may arrive at a lasting settlement based on justice.
59. Colombia must state here that its conduct, both within our regional group and in the Assembly, has been strictly confined to principles which it has
warmly defended throughout its life as a nation and which are immutable rules in relations among peoples. None of its words or attitudes could have been considered partial. At every moment it has sought justice and it has found identical intentions among its brother countries of the continent. It has never harboured any feeling of aversion for any of the countries that were involved in this conflict. I should like to express the admiration of my Government and my people, and their feelings of friendship and affection, for each one of the Arab States and for the State of Israel.
60. The tension in that part of the world affects us all. I cannot accept the idea that the situation that has been created, and that is becoming more inflammable day after day, may not at any given moment affect general peace. Even if that were not so, the sight of groups of human beings confronting each other, ready to annihilate each other, causes all nations anxiety and uneasiness. Yet everyone advises these countries to adopt an attitude in which the ardour that they have displayed would give place to reciprocal efforts of collaboration and understanding, which would undoubtedly bear fruit. This, of course, implies the comprehensive collaboration of all nations, and in particular the great Powers; not the collaboration that has been given up to now, which has consisted of arms and instruments of destruction that inevitably provoke fresh and more bloody and dangerous armed attacks, but constructive aid, mediation in the cause of peace, restorative action that would banish fear and anxiety for ever from this area that is of such importance and of such significance in the history of mankind and replace it with creative tranquillity.
61. The unanimous action of the countries forming the Latin American group in the discussions that the General Assembly held in order to consider the warlike conflict between the Arab States and Israel gives my country — and, I hope, its brother countries — a theme to ponder, which I think I should deal with in this speech. I am doing so precisely because it refers to what can be and what should be, in my Government's opinion, the role of the Latin American countries in the elucidation of the problems that affect the world.
62. By reason of its broad and constant tradition of respect for law, and of defence of legality and peace, its deep-rooted culture, the brilliance and mental capacity of its internationalists and the invaluable contribution that it has made in the history of culture to the formation and concept of international law, Latin America must play an important part in the decisions that affect the future of the species. But in order to do so it must work and act in unity.
63. This united position, the presence of all our countries with one single point of view — and the more so if that point of view is supported by sound moral and legal arguments — can at least gain the allegiance of a considerable part of the honest opinion of the other nations of the world. And this has proved true on other occasions. Latin America must have its own policy, which reflects the common aspiration of our peoples. It is true that the countries of Latin America have followed the line of the Western nations faithfully and with conviction — not simply out of opportunism, or for a whim, or for advantages, but on the basis of an ordered body of philosophical and political doctrine. We believe in representative democracy, in the importance of certain spiritual values and in the permanence of inherent juridical principles. In the complex world of today, when the blocs of nations which were formed in the Second World War are disintegrating and when each of them tries to make its own interests prevail even over the principles of our basic Charter, it is necessary that Latin America should proclaim before the international community a line of conduct that may help to clear away the shadows of this confused world and produce some clarity. For this effort Colombia offers its most determined co-operation.
64. As a result of persistent acts which had been widely broadcast to world public opinion, the organ of consultation of the Organization of American States met recently at Washington. There, decisions were taken with the object of halting the action of the Government of Cuba, which, as is well known, is designed to promote, finance and direct subversive movements in the Latin American countries. Such movements have made themselves felt in varying degrees in different Latin American countries, although in none of them have they actually represented a serious danger to the stability of its institutions. As far as Colombia is concerned, I can state that propaganda and sensationalism have exaggerated a situation that has never been so serious or marked by such unrest as they claim. My country is proceeding with its orderly and peaceful development, within a legal and political system of deeply rooted freedom.
65. The immense majority of the Latin American countries have severed diplomatic and commercial relations with the Government of Cuba. They have, however, gone no further. Their object was to form a sanitary cordon in order to protect their way of life, but they have never tried to interfere in the internal affairs of Cuba or to replace the regime in power there by one chosen by themselves.
66. On the other hand, the persistent, blatant and calculated action of the Government of Cuba in intervening in the internal affairs of the Latin American countries is beyond all doubt a scandalous violation of the principle of non-intervention enshrined in the United Nations Charter and in General Assembly resolution 2131 (XX). The international community and the world Organization which is its authorized mouthpiece cannot remain indifferent to such acts; for that reason, and in accordance with the decision unanimously adopted by the States members of our regional system, the facts will have to be carefully analysed here.
67. In the context of the great efforts that the international community has been making to correct the increasing disequilibrium in social and economic matters in the world, Latin America can offer some comforting facts. In the Declaration of the Presidents of America signed at Punta del Este on 14 April 1967, there is something that directly concerns the leaders of the world economy; it is the part that refers to the relations of the Latin American countries with the industrialized countries and the need for external financial and technical help to carry oat the development programmes.
68. With regard to the first point, it is common knowledge that it is the adverse terms of their international trade that has seriously hampered the progress of our countries. There is still a tremendous and lamentable lack of understanding oil the part of the developed countries of the terms on which their trade relations with the developing countries are carried out, and unfortunately this spirit does not seem to have changed. The whole economic orientation of international trade and industrial production is designed to make things more difficult for the countries which live, precariously from the proceeds of their basic products, the prices of which decrease from day to day on the international market while the prices of manufactured products increase.
69. Recently, in an important article by Josué de Castro, attention was drawn to the impressive fact that, at a time when the external aid given by the industrialized countries to the developing countries amounted, at the most, to an annual total of $8,000 million, the military budgets of those countries amounted to more than $150,000 million. The author of the article said that the comparison between those two figures was the most serious indictment of the policy of the great Powers. For a world in which the elementary needs for food, housing and clothing are calling more and more urgently for some relief, even temporary, it is a source of perpetual resentment to see such extraordinary sums invested in armaments, military equipment and powerful offensive devices. And, worst of all, while that expenditure tends to increase, the money invested in external aid is daily growing less. Moreover, external aid is granted on a bilateral basis and in such circumstances it is generally the political and economic interests of the country granting the aid that prevail over the real needs of the recipient country. Thus the developing countries are placed in a position of inferiority and insecurity.
70. Thousands of voices have been raised in denunciation of this tremendous injustice, which is growing greater with every day that passes. Today the world has before it the spectacle of great prosperity on one side and poverty on the other. Such a world cannot and must not continue — and it certainly will not continue for many years. In his splendid encyclical Populorum Progressio of 26 March 1967, Pope Paul VI gave the leaders and the people of all nations a counsel that we must not forget and that I shall venture to quote to you:
"The same duty of solidarity that rests on individuals exists also for nations: 'Advanced nations have a very heavy obligation to help the developing peoples'...Given the increasing needs of the underdeveloped countries, it should be considered quite normal for an advanced country to devote a part of its production to meet their needs.”
71. As this new session of the General Assembly opens, my country expresses the hope that we may reach fundamental agreements on the real and more acute problems facing the nations, that we may find suitable ways of settling disputes, that we may work out sound ways of relieving human suffering, eradicating violence and banishing fear, that each human being may gain some degree of well-being-, however small. As mankind grows and science advances, producing the wonders that civilization has placed before our astonished eyes, the ideal of justice becomes more elusive. But we must not resign ourselves to that fact: it is our duty, in the light of our grave responsibility as leaders of our respective countries, to fight stubbornly and tirelessly, undaunted by the most formidable obstacles, to build a future of prosperity for man in a world at peace.