94. Mr. President, in offering you the Italian delegation's sincere congratulations on your election to the office of President of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, I am not simply complying with an agreeable formality. I am expressing a genuine and keenly felt sentiment, prompted by pleasure at the unanimous recognition of your outstanding merits and by the recollection of the part you played in strengthening the ties between our two countries and the long-standing friendship that exists between Italy and Romania. We are sure that under your guidance our work will proceed smoothly, and we regard your election as a clear indication of the current relaxation of tension in Europe.
95. I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Pazhwak, who presided over our work with such competence.
96. In my statement I shall touch upon only a few of the major political issues which seem to me to be pertinent to this general debate. I shall do this, first, because the Italian delegation proposes to state its position on all the agenda items in the various Committees and in the plenary meetings, and, secondly, because by concentrating our attention on a few specific questions our statement, I trusty will gain in clarity and cogency. This, of course, does not imply any lack of Interest on Italy's part or any lessening of its commitment on such issues as decolonization, the need to combat harmful and anachronistic doctrines of racial discrimination, the economic advancement of developing peoples and the reaffirmation of human rights throughout the world. On these and other matters Italy, as a democratic country, will continue to side with the Just cause of the world's peoples.
97. First of all, I should like once again to renew our declaration of faith in the United Nations. The Italian Government will continue to consider the United Nations as one of the pillars of its foreign policy. This attitude does not merely reflect the opinion of an overwhelming majority in the Italian Parliament; it has been an unvarying factor in our policy ever since the United Nations met at San Francisco at the end of the Second World War to adopt its Charter. As early as 1945 the Italian Government, born of the Resistance, gave the highest priority in its foreign-policy programme to Italy's application for membership in the United Nations, and continued to do so until that goal was achieved. The disappointment sometimes experienced over United Nations actions in past years has not changed our belief in the usefulness of this Organization but, if anything, has strengthened it. Nor has it shaken our faith in this irreplaceable instrument of a new world order.
98. Of course, we, too, are aware of the United Nations weaknesses and the measure of its failures — weaknesses and failures on which many previous speakers have dwelt. But these shadows, however substantial, cannot obscure certain basic facts. One such fact is that historically speaking, this Organization is the best institution that the international community has ever known, being the crowning achievement in the development of international law.
99. These opinions of ours are prompted not by mere utopianism, but by the conviction that there is no other alternative if we wish to survive in a world based on law and order, and that sooner or later all peoples will accept this need and force their Governments to recognize it. Actually, even those previous speakers who have had nothing but words of pessimism to offer, by the mere fact of having expressed them here have demonstrated, consciously or unconsciously, that they still believe in the United Nations. For such fervent appeals would be incomprehensible if those who made them really felt them to be useless.
100. To have faith and belief in the goodness of a cause, however, is not tantamount to being blindly optimistic. We too can clearly discern and evaluate the existing obstacles. But they will not hold us back. We do not know how long it will take to overcome them, but we do know that if we are really willing and determined to do so, we shall make headway towards peace and conciliation. Besides, the picture before us is not entirely negative. Many speakers, recapitulating the events of the past few months, have mentioned the part played by the Security Council in achieving a cease-fire in the Middle East. May I, in turn, be allowed to emphasize another positive factor: that Europe, the breeding-ground of the First and Second World Wars, is now one of the continents least beset by tension.
101. Therefore, in Europe at least, experience has taught us something of value. Why should the coexistence that has prevailed in Europe not also prevail in the Middle East and in Asia? Is it really utopian to cherish such a hope? Our faith in the future now has, we feel, some definite justification, and the least we can do is to support the suggestions contained in the introduction to the Secretary-General's annual report on the work of the Organization [A/6701/Add.1], in which he recommends periodic meetings of the Security Council to permit closer surveillance of the international situation and thus improve peace-keeping.
102. At this point I should like to stress a fact which to me seems extremely significant. Although the problem of Viet-Nam is not on our agenda, and although there are those who, from this very rostrum, have asserted that the United Nations has nothing to do with Viet-Nam, all the speakers before me have dwelt at some length on the tragic conflict that is taking place in that area. This circumstance, in my opinion, prompts at least two considerations.
103. First, it seems to reflect a unanimous conviction that the problem of Viet-Nam should be dealt with, either formally or in a de facto fashion, directly or indirectly, in this forum. Second, that the Viet-Nam conflict, by reason of its extent and intensity and the increasing toll it is taking in human life, suffering and sacrifices, represents a serious threat — perhaps the most serious of all — to the maintenance of world peace.
104. In view of these considerations and of the clearly expressed wishes of the Italian Parliament, I should like to state my delegation's position on this question.
105. No one can remain indifferent to this serious and alarming situation, least of all the United Nations. Moreover, the Charter, which should govern our conduct, requires us to take up any problem that constitutes or could constitute a threat to international peace and security. In saying this, I am fully mindful of the difficulties caused by the fact that some of the parties involved in the conflict are not represented in our Organization. I am also well aware of the results of the deliberations in the Security Council when the problem of Viet-Nam was raised in that body. But, in my opinion, over and above the formal difficulties — which in any case were all foreseen by the San Francisco Charter — what really concerns us is the substance of the matter.
106. The substance of the matter leads us to point out that the main contending parties have said that they are seeking a political rather than a military settlement to the conflict. But that is not all. They also all agree that the 1954 Geneva Agreements provide the principal basis for such a settlement.
107. A political settlement means a negotiated settlement. The problem lies in finding a means of promoting such negotiations. Should it be the responsibility of the Security Council to invite the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference to reconvene the Conference or should the General Assembly recommend the convening of the Conference? Or should the Co-Chairmen act on their own initiative? I do not know, but that is not the main problem. Any move that leads to the desired result will, however, be supported by us, as it should be by all loyal Members of the United Nations. At any rate, since the Security Council has already considered the question without adopting any decision and since the two Co-Chairmen have not yet succeeded in agreeing that the Geneva Conference should be reconvened, perhaps it is time for the United Nations to address a pressing appeal to the parties for a speedy reconvening of the Geneva Conference and for an early beginning of those negotiations that alone can end the military conflict. In other words, the United Nations has the right and the duty to deal with a dispute that endangers peace and to suggest methods and procedures for settling it, especially when such methods, whether regional or otherwise, are ready, as in this instance, to be accepted.
108. My approach may seem oversimplified, but I feel that it is useless to make lengthy, sweeping theoretical statements about Viet-Nam simply deploring the situation or calling for the capitulation of one party or the other. I believe that we must move forward and take a definite and formal stand, adopting a resolution calling on all the parties concerned to initiate peace negotiations. The moral pressure on the belligerents will not he negligible and might help to overcome the remaining obstacles — albeit superficial — which still prevent peace talks from starting. In any event, by doing this, we would be giving practical substance to our beliefs. Furthermore, should the Security Council recognize its competence and declare its willingness to act, we would unreservedly support any positive development of that kind and refrain from making specific procedural demands, for we feel that such a development would be an even more positive step than a recommendation by the General Assembly.
109. Another serious question confronts our Assembly: the problem of the Middle East. Not only has it been given the highest priority on the agenda, but also all the interested parties are Members of the United Nations. No one has any doubt as to the competence of our Organization, but no satisfactory solution is yet in sight.
110. The position of the Italian Government on the subject has already been fully expounded by its Prime Minister, the Hon. Aldo Moro, during the emergency special session of the Assembly last June [1530th meeting], and I will not repeat what he said on that occasion, Similarly unchanged since that time are our anguish and concern for the fate of the people and of peace in a region so close to us, a region which, being the bridge between three continents, is the most sensitive in the world. It is our fervent hope that the time which has elapsed since the cessation of hostilities has not been spent in vain.
111. In the first place, it seems evident that the majority of Member States of the United Nations agree on two specific points: every State has a legitimate right to its own existence and security, and military conquest does not imply territorial gain.
112. In the second place, as has been clearly stated in the introduction to the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, there cannot be any disagreement over the fact that the underlying cause of the present crisis was the failure during the previous twenty years to find a solution to the fundamental problems of the region, namely, the right of all States to free and innocent passage through the Strait of Tiran and the Suez Canal, the formal and effective cessation of the state of belligerency between the Arab countries and the State of Israel and the problem of the Arab refugees.
113. On those aspects of the problem, there is a significant concurrence of views in the General Assembly. There has been no official change, however, in the position of the parties directly concerned, and they still do not appear to be ready to accept the views of the majority, views for which the Secretary-General has acted as spokesman.
114. Paced with this situation, we must not only not be disheartened, we must not, even for an instant, either relax our efforts to achieve the peaceful solution for which we all hope or lose sight of our clearly defined obligations.
115. Those obligations are manifold. In the first place, we have an obligation to promote a relaxation of tension by refraining from inciting one party against another. Secondly, we have an obligation to halt the dangerous arms race in the area. Thirdly, we must all do our utmost to heal the wounds suffered by the innocent victims of the military conflict. Lastly, our main, task is gradually to bring the parties concerned, by means of example and persuasion, to accept the rules of international law as the supreme law and to fulfil strictly all the obligations imposed by the Charter.
116. The world is watching us, the world is watching you. If we, who are not among the parties most directly involved, are guided by our conscience, then I have no doubt that our attitude and our conduct will greatly help those States which are directly involved to readjust their respective positions gradually and on a reciprocal and simultaneous basis, so that it will be possible to achieve the satisfactory lasting and peaceful solution which at present is still so remote. If any help in this direction can be provided from such sources as a special representative of the Secretary-General or by a mediator appointed by him, such a development will be most welcome.
117. We know that we are asking a great deal of all the countries in the Middle East, but our only desire for all of them is Justice, peace and prosperity. We must, therefore, be patient, steadfast, fair and unprejudiced. We do not know how much time will he required before this work of reconciliation and coexistence can be fully completed, but we do know with certainty that it is the only valid, just and constructive solution. The Italian Government will spare no effort to achieve this end.
118. On the question of disarmament, there seems to be general agreement that in the last twelve months a considerable advance has been achieved with regard to the proposed measures against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. In effect, we have progressed from academic discussions of principle to the consideration of a specific text. What is more, that text is the result of negotiations between Moscow and Washington which have led the USSR and the United States of America to submit two identical though incomplete texts to the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at Geneva. At this point, I should like to repeat most firmly and most emphatically that the Italian Government is resolutely opposed to the dissemination of nuclear weapons in any form.
119. We are fully aware of the importance for the future of the whole international community of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. In fact, we are faced with a fundamental choice between order based on law, and disorder which might degenerate into anarchy and lead eventually to the self-destruction of all mankind. In Italy, I repeat, the Government, Parliament and public opinion are well aware that we must make this choice and are determined to make the right choice. But between the loyal and voluntary acceptance of a principle, which I have no doubt in qualifying as fundamental, and the methods of implementing that principle, much still remains to be done. This is not at all surprising when we consider that we are confronted by a completely new problem for which there are no precedents.
120. Before mentioning some of the points which cause us some concern with regard to the proposed methods of implementing a principle which we not only accept unreservedly, but which we will help to implement fully, I should like to emphasize one important point.
121. In making these remarks, we are moved solely by a desire to help to create an international instrument which may prove acceptable to the majority of States and which will in fact he scrupulously observed, one which will last in time, one which will set in motion the process of disarmament and lead to the gradual implementation of a general disarmament, one that will establish a relationship between all the contracting parties based on a proper balance of rights and obligations. We are not in any way seeking to quibble or to produce arguments in order to delay the implementation of an excellent plan or even cause it to fail. The crucial preliminary point to which I wish to draw the Assembly's attention is the fact that Italy was the first to formulate at the right time, both at Geneva and at the United Nations, a specific and still valid proposal for a moratorium. That was a proposal under which the non-nuclear Powers would immediately, on a voluntary and unilateral basis, commit themselves to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
122. This is an indication that we do not wish to gain time in order to become a nuclear Power, but that we wish to ensure the maintenance of the status quo while we discuss the question and whilst we seek a formula to meet the requirements of all the contracting par ties without creating an imbalance in the commitments to be undertaken by the parties and without excluding the possibility of an adequate development in nuclear achievements for peaceful purposes.
123. If our proposal for a moratorium is borne in mind, together with the fact that, although among the Powers which, are technically capable of becoming nuclear Powers, Italy is certainly the furthest removed from any decision of that kind, the observations which I propose to make may be appreciated in their true light.
124. In substance, and without going into too many details, since these will be explained in due course by the Italian delegation in the First Committee after the Italian Parliament has reached a final decision on the matter and when the report of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament is being considered, let it suffice if I say here that the text of certain articles of the draft treaty submitted at Geneva has still not entirely dispelled some of our doubts on the subject of the commitments to be undertaken by the nuclear Powers with regard to their own future disarmament; on the subject of the period of time to be covered by the treaty, we would like to have an indication of a specific period of time; on the subject of controls, we would like to avoid a situation in which the non-nuclear Powers belonging to EURATOM would find themselves in a disadvantageous position; and on the question of research into the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, we would like to avoid being placed in a position of permanent inferiority. In this connexion, last summer at Geneva the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Fanfani, submitted a specific and important proposal under which certain quantities of fissile material processed and owned by the nuclear Powers would be reserved for the non-nuclear Powers for peaceful purposes.
125. Our main concern is, therefore, I repeat, to endeavour to create a sound and effective instrument, bearing in mind, above all, the general, balanced, controlled and complete disarmament of which nuclear weapons are only one aspect. The proposals under discussion are certainly of fundamental importance, but, in the future, they should not continue to apply only to the non-nuclear countries. Only when progress has also been achieved in the field of general disarmament, both nuclear and conventional, will all the countries of the international community be able to benefit from the use of the resulting economies in accordance with the appeal made by the Supreme Pontiff, His Holiness Pope Paul VI [1347th meeting] and from the enjoyment of local and general security. For this reason, Italy also continues to give favourable consideration to the other proposals concerning collateral measures of disarmament which are still on the agenda of the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament.
126. This is the position of the Italian delegation on those few points which we consider typical of the general debate. We do not presume to possess the monopoly of truth, but we do know with certainty that the motives which have dictated our decisions and the faith which has inspired them are fully in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the obligations of Member States.
127. Mr. President, at this point, and with your permission, I find myself compelled to prolong my statement in order to reply to the comments made this morning [1578th meeting] by the Foreign Minister of Austria concerning the dispute between Rome and Vienna over the implementation of the Paris Agreement of 5 September 1946, a dispute on which the General Assembly made recommendations at Its fifteenth and sixteenth sessions.
128. In actual fact, substantial progress has been made during the past twelve months on the measures which the Italian Government, of its own accord, intends to adopt for the benefit of the German-speaking minority in Alto Adige, measures which should also bring an end to the International dispute. However, the positive result reached in the conversations with the Austrian Government appears to have been offset by growing demands from Vienna on the extent of an international guarantee which Austria would like to see cover even those future measures which we are quite ready to adopt, of our own accord, but which do not come within the implementation of the Paris Agreement of 5 September 1946. For our part — anticipating the suggestions made by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the advisability of using the International Court of Justice more fully — we proposed that any future disputes concerning the implementation of all treaties now in force between Italy and Austria should be submitted for judgement to that Court. This is, therefore, not merely a procedural obstacle.
129. Moreover, the situation seems to have worsened appreciably because of the dangerous and unacceptable intensification of terrorist activities on Italian territory. I myself have already had occasion to draw the attention of the General Assembly to this problem in the past, since the Government of my country is convinced of the need for greater and more effective vigilance by Austria on its territory, where these nazi-type and criminal activities originate, and where those committing such crimes find refuge. In the past three months, not fewer than six innocent persons have died, and the latest slaughter occurred the day before yesterday and could at any moment have become a general massacre, We have heard of the condemnations of terrorism voiced by the Austrian Government, and we have taken note of them, but we cannot ignore the fact that the crimes have been committed and we cannot fail to remember how inadequate are the results of such condemnations, which must not be merely verbal, but must lead to appropriate prevention and punishment. Although we do not intend to play into the hands of the terrorists, whose main aim is to prevent any agreement, we cannot and we will not endure this cruelty and violence which has been going on for several years at a steady rate, and which is still going on today. These, therefore, are events which are not unrelated to the dispute, events which had led the Italian Government to adopt certain positions of principle which have had a bearing on the negotiations.
130. Despite what I have said, we have not lost our hope that good sense will prevail, and we therefore trust that the main material obstacles In the way of a satisfactory and peaceful settlement of the dispute with Austria will soon be removed.