1. Mr. President, on behalf of the Uganda delegation, allow me to convey to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the high office of the Presidency of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your recognized statesmanship, personal qualities and experience will guide us successfully in our search for solutions to the important and urgent issues that are before this Assembly.
2. I should also like to pay special tribute to the outgoing President of the twenty-first session who presided over three important and difficult sessions with great wisdom and impartiality.
3. During the present session grave issues on the international scene will be discussed and, although the general political situation has deteriorated in the last twelve months, my delegation hopes that under your wise guidance it will be possible for this Assembly to chart new ways through which it could reduce world tension and make positive progress towards peace and freedom.
4. In my statement I shall concern myself chiefly with African problems, not because I am unmindful of other issues but because the war against colonialism and neo-colonialism in Africa tends, as Ambassador Pazhwak put it the other day, to become an "almost forgotten war" [1560th meeting, para, 22], In Africa and Asia many peoples are still struggling against heavy odds for self-determination and independence. It is a matter of regret, therefore, that the beginning of this twenty-second session, unlike that of earlier sessions, finds no new Members being admitted to the United Nations. It is the duty of this Assembly, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, to find ways and means to lead all colonial peoples to Independence. The Assembly is aware of the unanimously adopted resolution 1514 (XV), which proclaims the necessity of bringing a speedy and unconditional end to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Looking back at the past twelve months, it is regrettable that no significant progress has been made in this important and urgent matter.
5. In the field of decolonization, Uganda considers Rhodesia and the solution of problems created by the unilateral and illegal declaration of independence a matter of top priority. This matter has been discussed for years in the Organization of African Unity (OAU), in this Assembly and in Commonwealth Conferences, and in spite of differences in approach we seem to agree on the objectives. The policy agreed on is that there should be no Independence before majority rule. The problem before us is how to achieve this goal.
6. Time and again, the United Kingdom Government has declared its objectives and guiding principles in Rhodesia. We welcome its declared policy of "no independence before majority rule". We are, however, concerned at the time factor, for time is against us. Sincerity on the part of the administering Power, accompanied by an unending period of inactivity, will never bring about majority rule in Rhodesia. Mere wishes will never topple the Smith regime. We have been told that our misgivings are untimely and that we should give sanctions time to work. We have even been told that sanctions are "biting". There is a real danger that the present go-slow policy adopted by the United Kingdom and even by the United Nations may result in maintaining the status quo.
7. Further, there is a danger that the United Nations might be diverted from the important problem of Rhodesian independence under majority rule and will become pre-occupied with the question of sanctions as such. We believe that sanctions, in their present form, will never overthrow the Illegal regime, unless they are comprehensive and mandatory. To eliminate loopholes and to ensure that sanctions are effective, there is no other way but for the Security Council to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter.
8. The Smith regime has made it clear that it intends to adopt the obnoxious policy of apartheid. We read daily of increasing acts of brutality and loss of lives inflicted by the Smith régime on the Africans in Rhodesia. I fear that, unless the United Nations takes effective measures to contain the situation, the conflict with its attendant evils will spread into other neighbouring African countries.
9. We in Africa cannot ignore the threatening remarks by the South African and Rhodesian authorities against the neighbouring Republic of Zambia, The United Nations cannot afford to make the mistake of waiting until these threats are translated into action. The Security Council should, as a matter of urgency, take note of these grave developments. Uganda feels that the time has come for the Security Council to reconsider the problem of Rhodesia, to work out new and more effective ways to dislodge the illegal régime.
10. The policy of my Government and, indeed, of most African Governments, has been stated in this forum. We have said that we welcome developments and the creation of non-racial societies in Africa. We have never advocated the elimination of other races, either in our own individual countries or in southern Africa. We are, however, uncompromising in our rejection of the policy that political power should "be confined to the so-called "civilized hands", which to the South Africans means white hands. It is only right and proper that all persons should be in a position to participate in the political life of their nation. The United Nations Charter is built on the principle of equality and self- determination. Therefore, we believe that it is the duty of the United Nations to ensure that South Africa, South West Africa and Rhodesia do not become islands of totalitarianism outside the effect and influence of the Charter. It is this principle which guides our views on the whole question of South West Africa and the whole problem of southern Africa.
11. In the case of South West Africa, which was debated in a special session of this Assembly, we are left in no doubt that we need a new formula, a new strategy, to save the people of South West Africa, The well-being, dignity and future of South West Africa are at the mercy of this Organization, The United Nations must continue relentlessly in the spirit in which it adopted the General Assembly resolution [2145 (XXI)] terminating South Africa’s mandate. We must find effective ways of implementing our decisions, otherwise the situation will continue to deteriorate and will lead to an explosion between the races in Southwest Africa. It is my delegation’s hope that South Africa, which is a Member State of this Organization, will change its policies and, instead of continuing defiance of this body, will co-operate with the United Nations Council for South West Africa to enable it to lead this Territory to independence by June 1968, as provided for by the United Nations General Assembly resolution [2248 (S-V)].
12. Prompt action is required, not only in Rhodesia and South West Africa, but also in the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, Portugal is today controlling, under conditions of serfdom, an estimated population of thirteen million people. Portugal, like its South African friend, has continued to ignore United Nations resolutions concerning its colonies. Indeed, it has intensified measures to suppress the people of Mozambique, Angola and so-called Portuguese Guinea.
13. Continued and intensified measures of oppression and military brutality perpetrated by Portugal against the African people in its colonies are crimes against this Organization, they are crimes against humanity. The General Assembly has urged Member States to take coercive measures, including the breaking off of diplomatic, consular and trade relations with Portugal; yet many Member States which are traditional partners of Portugal do not seem to have paid any attention to such appeals. This support has put Portugal in an intransigent mood and has enabled it to flout all United Nations resolutions with impunity.
14. We in Africa are determined to do everything to help the Africans in their struggle for political rights and self-determination as clearly laid down in the Charters of the United Nations and that of OAU. We would hate to see racial war developing in Africa, because we believe there is room for both black and white to coexist and contribute towards building a better Africa. The United Nations at the international level and OAU at the regional level have important roles to play in the emancipation of all non-self-governing countries in Africa.
15. While this body is bogged down with the problems of decolonization of which I have been speaking, we must touch upon another subject which is of concern to Africa, another political storm which has developed and now looms over the continent: the activities of mercenaries. These mercenaries and their activities have a number of racial overtones. These mercenaries are white, and since they operate in black Africa there is a danger of fanning racial animosity and conflict, which must be avoided. Mercenaries who engage in these unfortunate and regrettable excesses not only go to Africa to earn money, but — what is disturbing and clear — they are opposed to the existence of independent, stable and viable Governments run by Africans. We have seen them at work waging war against the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
16. The use of mercenaries to invade foreign lands is a new and brutal feature in another scramble for Africa. These mercenaries are encouraged by some Governments whose policies are racial. It is important that the General Assembly consider this problem and find an effective remedy before it is too late. We know from where these mercenaries are recruited: they are being recruited from countries most of which are Member States of this Organization. We appeal to the Member States concerned to make it illegal for their nationals to be recruited as mercenaries. This is important and urgent and we will support measures requiring Member States to ban the recruitment of these soldiers of fortune and make it illegal for their citizens to be hired as mercenaries. The activities of mercenaries are against the Charter of the United Nations because they threaten the very existence of certain States of Africa. They undermine the territorial integrity of Member States of this Organization. It is because of this that we feel very strongly that this matter must be taken up by the United Nations. The United Nations must stop this new wave of mercenary activity which, if it continued, would poison racial relationships and erode the principles enshrined in the Charter, and would indeed make a mockery of international relationships and democracy.
17. I now turn to the conflict in the Middle East, which has caused and still causes us grave concern. My Government supports the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the States in the Middle East. We support the existence and territorial integrity of Israel. We are, however, opposed to the acquisition of territory through military conquest. It was on those grounds that my delegation supported in the emergency special session of the General Assembly the draft resolution calling for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Arab territories occupied during the war. Withdrawal, in the opinion of my delegation, while not solving the problem, would be an important first step towards finding a just, peaceful and lasting solution to the Middle East issues. No progress will be possible unless and until the parties concerned are prepared to change their policies governing their relationship in the Middle East.
18. We consider that belligerency is as futile as the psychology of force in solving the complicated problems of the Middle East. The States concerned should seriously analyse their positions and policies towards each other with the objective of reducing tension in the area. An attempt to find a lasting and just solution to this problem cannot be achieved without moral and physical support from the United Nations. The United Nations, and especially the Security Council, should take the initiative to bring about peace in the Middle East. It is our duty at the present session to build on the achievement which brought about the cease-fire.
19. Concerning the vexed and unfortunate problem of Viet-Nam, my delegation supports the view that a political solution is needed and should be sought. We appeal to all parties in the conflict to stop fighting. The military approach and method, apart from the loss of life involved, can never solve this problem. We support the principles agreed to in the Geneva Agreement of 1954, which should constitute a basis for peaceful settlement. All parties concerned in the conflict should see their way to negotiate and be encouraged to do so.
20. Turning now to economic development, the Uganda Government is convinced that our level and rate of economic development will, in the final analysis, depend on the results of our own endeavour. We believe that with the co-operation of other neighbouring States, it is possible for us to achieve a higher rate of economic growth. In pursuance of this policy, the East African States have maintained common services and a common market. To formalize and strengthen this co-operation, a treaty for East African co-operation was signed in Kampala in June of this year by the Republics of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. This treaty was based on recommendations of a commission under the chairmanship of Professor Phillips. I would like, on behalf of my Government, to record publicly our appreciation and thanks both to the United Nations and to Denmark for his services. It is hoped that, in accordance with the Charter of OAU, more States in East and Central Africa will find it possible to join with us in a common understanding to achieve an accelerated rate and growth of development. It is with this objective in view and in accordance with the Charter of OAU that a number of meetings of representatives of various East and Central African Governments have been held.
21. In the field of international and economic relationships, our experience convinces us that the best form of aid is through the establishment and widening of greater commercial contact and favourable terms of trade to developing countries. It is our hope that the Second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, due to be held at New Delhi next year, will achieve more positive results in this direction than did the first Conference at Geneva.
22. I should like to end my statement by welcoming the remarks on aid made by Mr. Martin, Chairman of the Canadian delegation [1569th meeting], in which he announced his country's plans to give more aid on better terms to developing countries and its intention to play a full part in the replenishment of the resources of the International Development Association. Those two issues, the issue of giving aid on better terms and the question of replenishing International Development Association resources, are very important issues in the field of aid, and can contribute significantly to the achievement of rapid development. I hope and trust that developed and developing countries will play their full role in a joint effort to make this world a better, safer and happier place for us all.