83. Mr. President, Upper Volta associates itself whole-heartedly with the congratulations which have already been extended to you on your impressive election. Your considerable experience of the United Nations and your unanimously acknowledged authority make you particularly qualified to preside over the important debates of the twenty-second regular session of our Organization. We also extend our congratulations to the other members of the General Committee and to the Committee Chairmen. There can be no doubt that the competence of such a team, its insight, wisdom and gift for conciliation, constitute a most encouraging assurance for the full success of our endeavours. We look upon your election, Mr. President, as a sign of the times: for this is the first time that a prominent representative from a socialist country has been chosen to guide our work.
84. We would also like to extend our deep gratitude to the President of the twenty-first session of the General Assembly, Mr. Pazhwak, and to all his associates, whose outstanding ability at all times won everyone's admiration and understanding. My delegation would further like to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General, U Thant, whose role in the search for peace among nations has earned him virtually unanimous admiration. His second term of office has confirmed the fact that he is the man needed by today's world, in which the true happiness of all peoples calls for better mutual understanding and an honest confrontation of opinions on the major international problems. For that reason, my delegation would like to share with you the concern it feels with regard to the serious problems facing our international community at a time we consider to be a decisive turning-point in its development.
85. With such a full and meaty agenda, to which the "high priority" question of the Middle East crisis has recently been added, we felt that it would be more constructive and more useful for us to limit our comments to those current problems which appear to us most pressing and whose solution is vital for international peace and security: the problem of international solidarity, which must be expressed in concrete action, in an effective will to put an end to under-development and Its disastrous consequences; the problem of coexistence with stable peace and guaranteed security, a coexistence which must serve as a basis for relations between peoples and nations; and the problem of the very survival of our Organization, which must adapt its spirit and its machinery to the changing world of today.
86. When the newly independent States came to weigh for the first time the tremendous responsibilities they were being called upon to assume, they found themselves faced with the problem of the great revolutionary era into which they had been plunged: appropriate political and administrative organization, economic situation, education and science, social structures, and so on. In the face of these problems, unparalleled complexity, the new Members of the United Nations family, especially considering the fact of their under-development, were called upon to show a great deal of realism and wisdom. They had to base their ideal on the great truth that any lasting development requires an enlightened and honest administration dedicated to the common good, a rational planning of work, a prudent and wise utilization of resources and a mobilization of all vital energies in a free but effectual manner in order to undertake the most pressing research tasks; a deep horror of administrative corruption, of peculation, of unjustified and prolonged idleness; and, finally, the systematic condemnation of favouritism, of waste, of ostentation and of discrimination. Thus, from the dawn of their independence, the new sovereign States had need of this healthy outlook for the sake of their national evolution: in brief, a solid moral philosophy of development.
87. But we must be honest and truthful, and we must admit that, unfortunately, in the important area of national development some new States have not always given evidence of the fact that morality must be allowed to assume its full responsibility and to play its normative role. They have given inadequate proof of this in many instances, and hence some political regimes have suffered upheavals which have either seriously upset their stability and that of their neighbours or have helped them to rechart their course and to adapt the means at their disposal — often with heroic courage — to the end they wish to achieve by making a healthier appraisal of the hard facts.
88. What has been called the deluge of pronunciamentos and military coups d'état in Latin America and in Africa can be explained by the need for rearrangement following the deterioration of internal situations and the resignations of certain responsible parties.
89. The revolution in Upper Volta on 3 January 1966, which was a popular uprising, resulted from such a need. But it occurred in a political and regional context of such a nature that the uninitiated and observers unfamiliar with conditions in our part of the world were too ready to classify it as one of the "military coups d'état" which have shaken Africa in recent years. It is particularly important to stress that this was neither a military copu d'état — at no time and at no level was there any concerted attempt by the army to seize power — nor a sudden whim on the part of the citizens of Upper Volta, but that it arose from a pressing need created by the healthy demands of the moment, by wisdom, and by popular good sense. We might also recall that the peaceful nature of the change in regime compelled the respect of all those impartial observers who really wished Upper Volta well. But for the country itself, it afforded an excellent opportunity for finding out who its real friends were.
90. No matter what judgements and attitudes may have been the outcome of those events, nations of goodwill have now come to discover with ever increasing satisfaction that 3 January 1966 brought to Upper Volta a Government and political leaders firmly resolved to prove that in the important field of national development ethical considerations must prevail completely and must play their normative role. The internal powers, whose strength and stability are completely consolidated, are now making vigorous efforts to promote the harmonious development of the young Republic: clearing up the financial situation, liquidating the public debt, restoring confidence in the business world, stabilizing wages and salaries, organizing a patriotic contribution system, reducing State expenditure, and so on. The citizens of Upper Volta have understood, and they have courageously and generously accepted heavy sacrifices for the welfare of their nation. This is truly a school in which people have been made deeply aware of the noble concept of the common good. In addition, the Government has come to the conclusion that a national plan for economic and social development is an absolute necessity. An effort to integrate our economic activities with those of neighbouring countries is being pursued in order to strengthen the complementary arrangements already existing. In this connexion, Upper Volta is fully prepared to carry out its role as turntable in West Africa. The President of the Republic, General Sangoulé Lamizana, has declared:
"Our greatest concern is to put into effect an economic development plan for our country through increased investments, public as well as private, increased production, increased marketing activities, and increased efficiency in State operations. We will spare no effort to achieve this."
91. The aid given to Upper Volta by friendly nations is a decisive factor in its economic recovery; we therefore take this opportunity to pay a tribute to all States which have realized the comforting role friendship can play in a time of distress. The execution of our basic plan is geared largely to the efforts and sacrifices we have made and will continue to make, for the very life of the nation depends on this. With each day that passes, we realize that in order to break out of the vicious circle of under-development, we must rely above all on ourselves and on our own resources. The inadequacy of multilateral assistance, allowance being made for the complex nature of its effects and the discouragingly cumbersome procedure entailed, is for us a very serious handicap.
92. The trials which Upper Volta has experienced in its economic progress quite logically and legitimately justify the structure of its foreign policy, which consists of the following elements:
(a) First and foremost, realism: the policy of what is feasible. In this regard, we have taken prompt action aimed at adapting our entire diplomatic policy to national realities, conceiving it in terms of our responsibilities and our financial capacity;
(b) The need to avoid any arbitrary discrimination in co-operation whether with African nations or with other nations;
(c) The need to extend the hand of brotherhood to the peoples of the entire world, beginning with our brethren in Africa, naturally with the proviso that the most complete equality must be observed and that the sovereignty and dignity of Upper Volta must be respected;
(d) A diplomacy of frankness and common sense, free from all complexes;
(e) To crown all this, the firm conviction that it is possible to create a united world provided all States truly desire to work towards national, regional and continental integration, since such a broadening of interests is calculated to bring about true world solidarity. This conviction spells the reason why we belong to various regional and interregional organizations.
93. We believe that it was with this end in mind that the world created the United Nations. In setting it up and becoming part of it, we have all entered into a solemn commitment to live together in peace and brotherhood. Furthermore, a variety of wonderful discoveries have made it possible to endow our world with countless facilities for comfort and well-being; we had the impression that we had only to take advantage of all these things peacefully in order to live somewhat more happily. But by a strange logic, alas, we have been fighting each other for more than twenty years; more than fifty wars have disrupted and continue to disrupt the entire world. It is bitterly disappointing.
94. But what, basically, is behind so much lack of logic, so many contradictions? Two reasons can be advanced: the relationship between the wealthy countries and the Third World, and the relations of the great Powers amongst themselves.
95. At a period when peoples can no longer ignore each other, when poverty is a disgrace to mankind and when technical discoveries make possible the full exploitation of our planet's riches, how can we reconcile the sorry spectacle of the developing countries struggling desperately to escape their unhappy fate with that of the prosperous countries, where opulence and the desire to discover the vastness of outer space seem to blind them to the destitution haunting two thirds of mankind? Under-development, wherever It exists, carries within itself the seeds of conflict which serve to exacerbate existing international tensions.
96. Under present conditions, the aid which some wealthy countries are providing to the under-developed countries seems actually to create more tension that it allays, since even when it is most generous, it is still only too evidently subject to the interests of the donor Governments. Few wealthy countries have been able to withstand the temptation to use their assistance as a means of bringing pressure, if not blackmail, to bear on poor countries, at times to the point of denouncing agreements and suspending the aid supply when they feel that the Government of the recipient country is manifesting too much independence. Conceived and practised in this fashion, aid to under-developed countries, instead of providing a basis for fruitful co-operation, may on occasion intensify the hostility of those countries towards the wealthier ones.
97. The developing countries deplore in particular the conditions under which their basic commodities are purchased by the industrialized countries. Owing to the lack of a suitable market organization (despite the very pertinent and timely UNCTAD recommendations), prices are subject to violent and unpredictable fluctuations, which periodically upset the precarious economies of the producing countries. In addition, paradoxical as this may seem, the over-all price level of commodities continues to decline, whereas manufactured products are becoming increasingly expensive. This accelerated deterioration of exchange rates is helping to widen the gap between rich and poor. In the middle of the twentieth century we are faced with the fact that two thirds of mankind do not have at their disposal in a year what the other third wastes every month.
98. Furthermore, the amount of aid at present being allocated bears no relationship to what is needed in order to improve substantially the situation prevailing in the Third World. The wealthy countries undoubtedly possess sufficient resources to provide more substantial aid to the other countries. Proof of this is that the testing of one ballistic missile alone costs approximately $6 million, or around what it would cost to provide housing for 1,500 homeless families; that in 1957 one great Power spent more than §1,000 million on long-range ballistic missiles, or the equivalent of the budget of some United Nations Member States for nearly twenty-five years; that the two super Powers are preparing to spend fabulous amounts of money to perfect their respective defence systems; that more than $2,000 million were spent last year on armaments, or 10 per cent of the value of world production. The escalation of this collective madness is daily taking on alarming proportions: proof of this is that, according to reliable sources, the United States is going to spend around $27,000 million to support its war effort in Viet-Nam. All that money and all those energies are devoted to preparations for slaughter, or rather, to the mere pleasure of playing with fire. The tragedy is all the more agonizing in that these engines of destruction are being constantly perfected and that we are standing by as though hypnotized, or disillusioned, or powerless, watching this progress towards nuclear holocaust.
99. Nevertheless, there are more and more indications that lead us to believe that all is not lost. Regional associations based on economic interdependence are being created or developed; vast movements of solidarity are being launched, often spontaneously, to come to the rescue of men threatened with extinction. We must encourage these praiseworthy efforts aimed at relieving the poverty of the disinherited and the outcasts of the earth.
100. What shall we say about the danger to mankind from those who in this twentieth century are behind the times? International obtuseness has taken on an acute form indeed: that of racism. In mid-twentieth century it is unthinkable that so-called "civilized" people should practise and foster the insanity of a concept of human inequality. The hateful policy of apartheid practised by the fascist authorities in Pretoria and by those who slowly but surely are coming to emulate them does credit neither to so- called civilized peoples nor to our era.
101. In present circumstances, when international relations are characterized by a chronic tension hampering the development of friendly relations between States, financial interests which cannot be dissociated from the Governments and countries where they originate are undertaking massive operations against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of some independent States. The criminal employment of mercenaries is a constant threat to peace and security in a part of Africa whose only crime is to be endowed with extensive natural resources. The whole of southern Africa is subject to the criminal activities of mercenaries, who have had more success in Rhodesia and South Africa than in the Congo.
102. Indeed, what difference is there between the manoeuvrings of mercenaries harassing the Congo and the behaviour of those who have seized power in Rhodesia? The only difference lies in the fact that the activities of Ian Smith and his cronies were tacitly backed by the trusteeship Power, which clearly has done nothing to dissuade them from their course of action. We shall never cease to condemn with equal vigour the racist regimes of Salisbury and Pretoria and any ideology or action favouring them either directly or indirectly. My delegation hopes that at this twenty-second session the General Assembly will request the Security Council to take all necessary measures to restore legality in Rhodesia, drawing a lesson from the lamentable failure of the so-called sanctions adopted so far.
103. As for the problem of South West Africa, my delegation notes with deep concern the casual way in which the Council Committee which was set up has discharged its responsibilities; we should like to draw its attention to the fact that South West Africa is scheduled to attain independence "by June 1968" (see resolution 2248 (S-V)).
104. The situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination is also of concern to us. We take this opportunity to express once again our unreserved support for the brave forces in the swamps of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau.
105. Before concluding, I should like to add something more.
106. Two giants dominate our world. I do not mean West or East; I am not referring to Washington or Moscow. I am referring to fear and to hope: the fear of man's destructive power, which today knows practically no bounds, and the hope which millions of starving people place in the development of International solidarity, which is making such slow progress. This perilous passage through the narrow straits separating fear and hope is the central fact of life of our generation.
107. Until 1945, it was possible to maintain the myth that war affected only active combatants or military installations. The myth vanished for ever in the mushroom cloud which arose over Hiroshima. From that time on, those who saw themselves as the champions of what is good were forced to acknowledge that they were rising weapons incapable of distinguishing not only between men, but between nations and races. Man appears to hare reached an impasse: the threat of thermonuclear suicide has already given rise to great waves of indignation in most countries, whatever their political system. Yet even if world public opinion were aroused sufficiently to force the great Powers to refrain from provoking a general conflagration, there would still be one imperative need for our salvation: recourse to negotiation.
108. The distressing events taking place in South-East Asia are one of the main obstacles to the easing of tension in international relations. We are witnessing interference by one of the greatest military Powers of modern times in the Internal affairs of the Viet-Namese people. The systematic massacres which occur daily before our eyes are an indication of the powerlessness of our Organization to impose a negotiated solution to a political problem,
109. Consequently, the bombing must be stopped in order to bring about a slackening of tension which will ensure the success of the subsequent stages, namely: the withdrawal of foreign troops, then an internationally supervised referendum with a view to the country's reunification. Such a return to the 1954 Geneva Agreements is all the more urgent and pressing in that the United States itself, through Its permanent representative at the United Nations, Mr. Goldberg, has ruled out any idea of a military settlement and has recognized the necessity for a political settlement. The whole world looks to the United States to make the first move, for its awareness of its responsibility in the settlement of the conflict must be concomitant with its power and influence.
110. My delegation expresses its deep sympathy for the grief-torn people of Viet-Nam, We hope that that brave people will soon enjoy the peace towards which it has aspired for a quarter of a century. The Government and the people of Upper Volta are grateful to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his unceasing efforts to bring the conflict to an end through a negotiated settlement.
111. As to the question of the Middle East, my delegation strongly urges the parties to that conflict to work out rational solutions to the following problems: the recognition of Israel's right to exist; the reintegration of the refugees; the withdrawal of Israel's forces to the pre-5 June 1967 frontiers; the settlement of the status of Jerusalem through agreement between the parties concerned and in accordance with resolutions 2253 (ES-V) and 2254 (ES-V) adopted at the fifth emergency special session.
112. As every year, we are met once again to take stock of what is happening in the world and to propose urgent and effective remedies. There is one important problem which we must deal with frankly this year, despite the real difficulties it poses: what means does our Organization have, or should It have, to implement the decisions we shall once again be taking here, at times by a nearly unanimous vote of Member States? In the introduction to his report (A/670l/Add.1), the Secretary-General is not optimistic. In his opinion, 1967 is likely to be a bad year for the United Nations. It is for us to see that it ends well, to correct the pessimistic impression of a man with heavy responsibilities whose efforts we must support and sustain by our unstinting co-operation.
113. In fact, what do we find? We find a dangerous development in this supreme peace-keeping body. While it is a fact that the United Nations has succeeded in defusing a few bombs and that it has up to now fulfilled its role as the world’s political barometer, there is cause for regret that it is showing increasing signs of exhaustion, that it is sinking into a disturbing state of impotence and real ineffectiveness. The outlook for a needed revision of the Charter, the disappointments and the disenchantment reflected in certain statements, continue to alarm us. And yet, no other rostrum can so well serve to bring nations together in a concerted effort to improve the international climate. In order to survive and to play Its role fully, the United Nations must adapt its spirit and its structures to the pressing needs of today; otherwise it will be unable to deter the dark forces which seek to destroy it.
114. We must not only reaffirm our will and our determination to live together in peace and brotherhood; we must also, indeed above all, express that will in deeds. We must provide the Organization with the means it requires to impose its decisions, if the need arises; we must also keep our commitments, for if we fail in this we shall witness a steady whittling away of the authority of the Organization, and we shall move, slowly hut surely, towards the disappearance, pure and simple, of its usefulness.
115. This is not a mere fanciful notion. In point of fact, 200,000 Whites in Rhodesia persist in trampling under foot the "historic" decisions taken by the international community. The backward-looking supporters of apartheid continue to hold our black brothers in the most heinous slavery and their criminal measures of genocide are stepped up with every day that passes. Portugal and South Africa continue to strut about within these walls, exchanging conspiratorial smiles, in the conviction that we are incapable of enforcing the dozens of resolutions adopted with virtual unanimity. To take a very recent example, Israel declines to implement resolutions adopted without a single dissenting voice. All this seems to us to augur ill. Each year it seems to us more out of place to devote our time to the now traditional ritual of ineffective oratory. We submit to it only because we cherish the hope that our faint warning will be heard.
116. In concluding these reflections, my delegation would like to reiterate that the world must work for the survival of the right of every people to safeguard its unity. The world must apply its genius to bring to an end the tragic meetings which work to the detriment of third States. We ardently wish for a successful outcome to the work of our Assembly. At the end of our present session, may we all have been strengthened by the staunch conviction that peace is founded exclusively on justice, co-operation and the consent of all the peoples of the world. Today nations have to live together, whether they like it or not; and there is no other choice but to live together in mutual respect, tolerance and mutual assistance. War is no more the ineluctable fate of mankind than peace is a gift from the strongest Power. The United Nations must strengthen its moral authority and its international prestige in order to meet more adequately the difficult demands of modern times. May future generations be the fortunate beneficiaries of the out come of our deliberations.