78. Comrade President, may I, on behalf of the delegation of the Peopled Republic of Bulgaria, congratulate you on your election to this important post, which is occupied for the first time by the representative of a socialist country.
79. Our pleasure is all the greater in that you represent a neighbouring people with whom we have had close ties of friendship for many years and with whom we share our aspirations for the building of a new life.
80. The twenty-second session of the General Assembly coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the Great Socialist October Revolution, an event which strongly influenced the march of history and the destiny of mankind. The noble ideals proclaimed by the October Revolution have been successfully realized in the Soviet Union and in a large part of the world. Those ideals have also had a considerable influence on the theory and practice of contemporary international relations. They are principles which lay down the right of all peoples, great or small, to self- determination and independence, the equality of all peoples and States, the elimination of the exploitation of one people by another, and peaceful coexistence among countries with different social systems. These ideals have left their imprint on international political doctrines and institutions during the last few decades and still exert a favourable influence on the development of international relations. Thanks to the participation of the Soviet Union — the first socialist State and one of the leading Powers in the anti-Hitlerite coalition — in the founding of the United Nations, these principles have found expression in the Charter of our Organization. The ideals of the October Revolution, which have been strengthened by the success of the socialist structure, are today still as attractive as ever and serve as an inspiration to peoples in their struggle for freedom, peace, equality and social progress.
81. We must admit once again that the international political situation has deteriorated during the past year. Instead of decreasing, the dangers to world peace have increased considerably: the United States continues to escalate its aggression in Viet-Nam; Israel too, committed aggression against the Arab people last summer, the United States is aggravating the situation in the Caribbean area and hotbeds of conflict and trouble have been created in Africa. This march of events is dangerous for the freedom and security of peoples and for the independence and sovereignty of States. In this climate of ever-increasing tension and of open or latent conflict, some States are more and more frequently resorting to violence and intimidation in their relations with other States and are spurning more and more the principles of international law which mankind has elaborated in the course of its long and often painful history.
82. The war of the United States in Viet-Nam is the most obvious example of this. For ten years, and especially during the past three, one of the most powerful States in the world has been waging a devastating war against a small nation. This war is a flagrant violation of the principles of self-determination, of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States, and of the freedom of every people to govern itself and determine its own social order. Respect for these principles is the only guarantee for the very existence of States, and especially of small States. By fire and sword, by force and duress, the United States wants to impose its own order and its own law on Viet-Nam, without heeding the rights or wishes of the Viet-Namese people. Violations of the fundamental principles of international behaviour are spreading ever further afield from the main centre of aggression, thereby threatening to draw an increasing number of States into the war.
83. Consequently, the establishment of a lasting peace in Viet-Nam is one of the most urgent international problems. The aggression of the United States against the Viet-Namese people casts its shadow over the whole international scene and poisons relations between States, Both peoples and Governments are hoping for the immediate restoration of peace in Viet-Nam. The question is: how is this to be achieved? Should it be achieved by forcing the Viet-Namese people to capitulate? No one has the right to demand that from a people which has been struggling bravely for national liberation for several decades. Peace cannot be established in Viet-Nam unless the United States recognizes, as other States have done, the rights and vital interests of the Viet-Namese people and leaves it alone, in complete freedom, to settle its own affairs. When the United States decides to act thus, it will be able to take steps to open up the way for negotiations aimed at finding a political solution to the problem of Viet-Nam on the basis of the 1954 Geneva Agreement. The first step would be a bombing halt over the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. The Government of the United States is well aware of the positive attitude of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam on this matter, as are the Governments of some of its allies.
84. Moreover, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam has expressed that view on several occasions. On 28 January of this year the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam stated:
"If the United States really wishes to talk with us, it must first of all unconditionally halt the bombing and all the other acts of war against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam."
That position was once again confirmed quite recently by the Prime Minister of Viet-Nam, Pham Van Dong. Unfortunately the only response of the United States to the goodwill shown by the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam was to escalate the aerial bombardment. More than once the United States has, in this way, thwarted every possibility of negotiation for the settlement of the Viet-Namese problem.
85. In the light of these facts the efforts of the United States representative in the United Nations, Mr. Goldberg, to reassure world public opinion as to the peaceful intentions of the United States in Viet-Nam hardly seem convincing. Once again, the statements made here in favour of a peaceful solution to the Viet-Namese problem flatly contradict other statements which have been made by American public figures who are no less authorized. The United States representative claims here that his Government is ready to seek a peaceful solution and that the United States is not trying to impose- any military solution on North Viet-Nam. At the same time, outside this hall, American statesmen are justifying the intensification of military operations and the bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and are expressing the opinion that this is an indispensable prerequisite for a United States victory on the battlefield. Intensified military operations by the United States, accompanying or following such statements, confirm the fact that there has been no change in the policy of war escalation which the United States is pursuing in Viet-Nam, and that the United States is continuing to seek only a military solution to the Viet-Namese problem. This, in a nutshell, is the cause of the deadlock reached in the Viet-Namese problem.
86. The Viet-Namese people is fighting for a just cause in defence of its rights and existence. It cannot be vanquished and its aspiration to freedom and independence cannot be crushed by force of arms. In this legitimate struggle the Viet-Namese people enjoys the support of some staunch friends. The People's Republic of Bulgaria, together with the other socialist countries, supports the heroic people of Viet-Nam in its fight against aggression.
87. The situation in the Middle East is another source of tension and a serious threat to world peace. The consequences of Israel aggression against the Arab countries have not been eliminated and the road to the peaceful settlement of problems in that area remains closed.
88. The aggression of Israel has been followed by the tragedy of military occupation and the suffering of the enslaved Arab population. More than a million and a half Palestinian refugees are living under conditions of extreme poverty, total insecurity and distress, Israel aggression and occupation are holding up the economic and social development of the Arab peoples. The presence of Israel troops on the left bank of the Suez Canal, which is the main reason for closing that important waterway to international shipping, in fact transforms the aggression of Israel against the Arab countries into an act of aggression against all States whose peaceful interests require free passage through the Canal, with the full agreement of the United Arab Republic.
89. Israel, far from seeking a peaceful and equitable settlement of the problems of the Near East, intends to prolong the situation which has been newly created in that part of the world as a result of its aggressive behaviour, a situation which neither the Arab peoples nor the international community can tolerate. There is talk of Israel's "natural borders". If we are to believe the Israel Prime Minister, the borders of Israel lie at the Suez Canal. Scarcely a week ago, Mr. Eshkol announced a system of governmental measures intended to bring about the final incorporation of the occupied Arab Territories into the territory of Israel. The Foreign Minister of Israel claims that the demand for the unconditional withdrawal of Israel troops is historically unprecedented. However, neither the Arab peoples nor the peoples of other countries would agree to a solution which would in fact put a premium on aggression. The setting of such a precedent cannot be tolerated in the second half of the twentieth century. Israel must renounce its annexation of foreign territories.
90. Although victims of aggression, the United Arab Republic, Jordan and the other Arab countries have shown proof of their realistic and moderate attitude and favour the search for a Just political solution to the Near East crisis. The soundly-reasoned speech of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Republic confirmed that fact. The Governments of some of the non-Arab States have also made constructive proposals. Nevertheless, Israel continues to adhere to its extremist position and to reject all reasonable proposals such as that put forward by Yugoslavia, for instance, and stipulates unacceptable conditions which obviate any possibility of a peaceful settlement. All this goes to confirm that Israel is following a dangerous road leading to a further worsening of the crisis and is seriously threatening to cause new conflicts in that area. The last speech of Mr. Eban in this Assembly is the most recent official proof of Israel intransigence.
91. Although the problems of the Near East are complex and difficult, efforts to find an equitable solution must not be halted. The United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, can and must use every available means to achieve the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israel troops from the occupied Arab Territories. That would be a genuine manifestation of the desire for peace and an important step towards the peaceful settlement of the problems of the Middle East, which would guarantee the continued existence and safety of all the States in that area.
92. In this connexion, I should like to emphasize that the suggestion of the Secretary-General, U Thant, to hold unofficial private meetings of the Security Council in which the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of member countries of the Council would participate, deserves special attention. However, if such meetings are to lead to constructive results, it is essential that they should be prepared thoroughly in advance and that the general lines of a solution to the questions discussed in the Council which would be acceptable to all should be mapped out.
93. Our country attaches the utmost importance to the item on the agenda of the present session concerning the withdrawal of the United States and all other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations.
94. The solution of the Korean problem requires that the people of both the South and the North should be left to settle the problems of their unification and democratic development freely and without foreign interference. The General Assembly of the United Nations should therefore speak out in favour of the withdrawal of the United States troops from South Korea, of the prohibition of the use of the flag of the United Nations as a cover for the de facto occupation of South Korea by the United States, and of the dissolution of the so-called Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. Such a decision must be adopted by the present session as a matter of urgency. That would create the necessary conditions for calm, security and the free development of the whole of Korea. A real danger for peace in the Far East would thus be removed.
95. The campaign against the Cuban Republic has been intensified lately. New acts of provocation are being prepared against that country; pressure is being exerted on some States to compel them to break off their trade relations with Cuba; plans are being made to set up a total sea and air blockade, and voices are being raised advocating armed aggression against that country. These threats are aimed at preventing the development of the Cuban people along progressive lines and at creating an atmosphere of permanent tension and insecurity in the area in order to justify future intervention in the domestic affairs of the Cuban Republic. We must put an end to the provocations against Cuba and to the worsening of the situation in the Caribbean in order to prevent the danger of confrontations which would be fatal for peace from increasing in that area also.
96. I have touched on some aspects of the international situation, dwelling especially on the seats of conflict and tension, which are the direct consequence of violence and acts of aggression and which represent a very real danger for the peace of the world. Those responsible for all the acts of aggression which have led to these conflicts are well known. However, propaganda and certain political figures are trying to reverse the roles so as to persuade public opinion that, even in the most obvious cases of aggression which we have witnessed, the aggressors are not those who have engaged in armed attacks, but rather the victims of such attack.
97. The aggressors are even seeking to benefit from the lack of a definition of aggression in order to make it more difficult to condemn them on political or moral grounds or to take collective measures against their acts of violence. In this connexion, our delegation considers that the proposal of the Soviet Government (A/6833) calling on the United Nations to expedite the drafting of a definition of aggression is most opportune, and we support it. It would be a new contribution by our Organization to the establishment of rules of conduct for States which would eliminate any form of aggression as an instrument of national policy.
98. One encouraging aspect of the present international situation, which is characterized by the lack of positive solutions to major international problems, is the presentation of identical draft treaties on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to the Eighteen- Nation Committee on Disarmament in Geneva. This leads us to hope that we are not far from agreement on this problem.
99. However, some Governments have expressed their reservations in this regard owing to the fact that the treaty does not contain the final solution of the fundamental problem, namely, the prohibition and final elimination of nuclear weapons. But it is quite clear that no agreement on this problem can be reached at the present time. In these circumstances, would it not be better, instead of insisting on a complete solution, which cannot be achieved for the time being, to be content with a partial but attainable solution. We believe that there can only be an affirmative answer to that question. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons would mark the second step towards a decrease in the dangers of atomic armaments, the Treaty banning nuclear weapons tests, signed in Moscow in 1963, being the first.
100. In order to bring about this development, the General Assembly must examine and adopt certain measures in connexion with it. One such measure is the proposal of the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons (A/6834). Our country will give its full support to the preparation and signing of such a convention.
101. It has been stressed more than once here that the process of national liberation of peoples, of disintegration of the colonial system and of the emergence and consolidation of a large number of independent States in Africa and Asia is one of the characteristic features of the contemporary development of mankind. However, it should be noted once again that this process is not yet concluded. Vast areas of the African continent, of South Arabia and of other parts of the world are still under colonial domination. In certain areas, the colonial forces are trying to unite and strengthen their positions. The alliance between the racists of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonists is an obstacle to the suppression of colonialism in Africa and a threat to the independence of the newly liberated countries in that part of the world.
102. The final elimination of colonialism and the achievement of a process of national liberation of peoples are vital necessities in our era, and it is the duty of free peoples to bring them about. All anti-colonialist forces must resolutely oppose the efforts made to arrest this process.
103. The fourth summit Conference of the Organization of African Unity, held at Kinshasa in September 1967, and the decisions taken at that Conference represent an encouraging step towards the consolidation of the African States and the liberation of African territories and peoples still suffering from oppression. Until this goal is reached, the United Nations will have to play an essential role in bringing about the final elimination of colonialism. Hence it is desirable that the General Assembly should address an even more insistent appeal to Member States to provide more effective moral and material support to the peoples struggling for their freedom and to cease all co-operation with the colonialist and racist regimes.
104. It would also be useful if the General Assembly were to recommend to the specialized agencies and international organizations affiliated to the United Nations to furnish more active assistance to the movements of national liberation in their efforts to ensure education for the youth of the colonial territories, to organize medical services, to wipe out epidemics and to guarantee that the children are fed. This is a wide field in which the humanitarian ideals of our Organization can be applied. It is with this in mind that my delegation has asked that the question concerning the implementation by the specialized agencies of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples should be inscribed on the agenda for the present session. It is a fact that the majority of European States have, over the last few years, adopted a realistic attitude with regard to the situation in Europe and are trying to base their relations on the principles of peaceful coexistence. Thanks to this policy, confidence among the European people is growing, relations between Eastern and Western States are improving and the tension in Europe is diminishing.
105. The progress so far achieved should be continued. The growing confidence and mutual respect among the European States may then give rise to favourable conditions which would make it possible to find a solution to the basic problem of Europe, the setting up of an efficient system of European security. This problem is occupying the attention of European peoples and Governments for whom national security is of primary concern. The solution to this question should be approached in a new way, without adhering to obsolete forms of security which were able to avert neither local conflicts nor world wars. Examples of these are still fresh in the memory of the European peoples.
106. Consequently, the point of departure in finding a solution to the problem of national security should not be the concept that the best way of guaranteeing such a solution is the setting up of military blocs and alliances pitted against one another and bearing in them the seeds of fear and of the danger of future confrontation, but the establishment of a harmonious collective system in which general and lasting peace would be the very foundation of independence and national security. Our country shares these ideas. It is convinced that the time has come for a European security system to replace the system of multilateral military alliances. Quite recently, the President of the Council of Ministers of Bulgaria, Todor Jivkov, confirmed once again, on behalf of the Bulgarian Government, that we are ready for the simultaneous dissolution of the Atlantic Alliance and the Warsaw Treaty. This would be an important first step in reducing international tension and in helping to bring about a favourable atmosphere and the political and psychological conditions necessary for the establishment of an efficient European security system.
107. In view of the fact that some Governments regard the simultaneous dissolution of the blocs as premature, more limited interim decisions could be agreed upon as a first step, such as the conclusion of a non-aggression treaty between the Atlantic Alliance and the Warsaw Treaty Organization, or the disbanding of the military organizations of those blocs.
108. Of course, the situation in Europe is far from being idyllic. There too there exist complex problems and considerable difficulties. There is no reason for complacency as far as Europe is concerned.
109. The problem which is crucial for the peace and security of Europe is that of the militaristic and revanchist attitude of West Germany, its plans for remaking the map of Europe and the chauvinistic atmosphere in which German fascism is once more emerging. The fact that the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany still refuses to recognize the consequences of the Second World War and the realities of post-war Europe, that it stands by its unfounded claims to represent the whole German people, and that it is trying to isolate the German Democratic Republic politically and to gain access to nuclear armaments, all serves to demonstrate the alarming nature of its policy. That policy, which is supported by certain States, members of the Atlantic Alliance, constitutes an obstacle to the further improvement of the political climate in Europe and to a constructive solution of many of the important problems besetting the European States.
110. One of the characteristic features of present-day international relations is the universalization of relations between States. As the most fully representative international Organization, the United Nations can make an important contribution to the affirmation and application of this principle.
111. In the introduction to his annual report (A/6701/ Add.1), the Secretary-General drew the attention of Member States to the fact that the Organization has not yet succeeded in translating the principle of universality into fact. We share the concern of the Secretary-General and are ready to support any effort designed to overcome the policy of discrimination against certain States, a policy which is aimed at preventing their participation in multilateral conventions concluded under the auspices of the United Nations and in international conferences convened at the initiative of this Organization and at depriving them of the right to send observers to the United Nations or to become Members of the Organization or its specialized agencies.
112. For these reasons, we consider it necessary that the German Democratic Republic, which is pursuing a constructive policy of peace and security, should have the opportunity to accede to multilateral conventions concluded under the auspices of the United Nations and to take part, on an equal footing, in the work of international conferences and other international gatherings organized by the United Nations. The German Democratic Republic has asked to become a Member of the Organization. This request should meet with a favourable response.
113. The restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, together with all the consequences resulting therefrom, has for a long time been a compelling need. The absence of the People's Republic of China from the United Nations diminishes the effectiveness of this Organization in solving important international problems.
114. The twenty-second session of the General Assembly must face up to important problems, The United Nations is called upon to play an active role in international events and in the peaceful development of the present-day world. However, there still exists forces which seek to arrest the course of history and hinder the activities of the United Nations. But we are firmly convinced that if the progressive forces in the world are mobilized to a greater degree, the Organization will move forward along the path to peace and progress. In this connexion, I should like to state that our delegation is in full agreement with the clear statement made by our Secretary-General, U Thant, in the introduction to his last annual report:
"There is but one true answer to violence, duress and intimidation among States; the answer must be found in a resolute rejection of violence and a determined resistance to it by that vast majority of men and women throughout the world who long to live in peace, without fear. This would be a movement of mankind to save mankind." (A/6701/Add.1, para. 153).