121. I have the honour and pleasure to convey to the President the sincere congratulations of die Yugoslav delegation on her election to the presidency of the Assembly, an honour well deserved both by her country and by herself.
122. The concrete problems that we must attempt to solve together have been imposed on us by the shifting reality of international relations and economic and social issues. In spite of many failures and disappointments, the United Nations has proved to be an indispensable instrument and force for the solution of problems and, I would add, for the very existence of the modern world.
123. There has been much talk in the last few months of a detente, or decrease, in international tension. Its causes, the stage it has reached and its possible evolution have been much discussed. The answers given to these different questions have been extremely varied and often contradictory. The immediate cause has undoubtedly been an obvious modification of certain political moves and gestures of the USSR Government, which proves that it is that government that has been chiefly responsible for the international tension. In this connexion everyone has wondered whether this is a real or a transitory change, whether it belongs to the sphere of strategy or of tactics, whether it is sincere, and so on.
124. The Yugoslav delegation does not consider that the question has been put correctly: tactics need not necessarily be identified with ill-will, nor strategy with sincerity. What is important here is something quite different. Are we dealing with real trends towards a permanent detente or not? The answer to this question no longer depends solely upon the course and realism of Soviet policy, but also on other factors such as the permanence of the very causes of the change and the realism of the policy of other governments. It Is obvious that, among all these factors, that of relative strength plays a primary part. Let us not forget, however, that broadly speaking this factor embraces almost all the others, and especially that it cannot possibly be reduced to relative material strength.
125. As regards Yugoslavia and its relations with the countries of the Soviet group, we must admit that there has been no positive change of anything like a decisive character. This is all the more regrettable because relations between those States and Yugoslavia, through the formers’ own fault entirely and primarily that of the Soviet Government, have for many years been very bad. As we know, diplomatic relations have recently become more normal, but what could have been regarded as a good sign and the beginning of a general process of normalization will cease to be so if nothing further than that is proposed.
126. It is evident that the Soviet Government’s behaviour is primarily due to the absolutely free and independent position adopted by a small country like Yugoslavia, which the Soviet governments regarded as belonging by the very nature of things, as it were, to their domain or, in more modern terms, to their sphere of influence. In the interests of co-operation between all nations, large and small, we cannot but deplore the fact that this entails a radical misconception, fundamental and not fortuitous, of the limitations of the great Powers’ spheres of influence —limitations which are one of the most positive and promising features of contemporary history, including the history of the United Nations. The Yugoslav delegation does not propose, however, to appraise the international situation by taking as a starting point and basis merely its own relations with other countries, including those of the Soviet group.
127. Without seeking to enter into a detailed analysis of its causes we feel there has been an undeniable decrease in tension. The armistice in Korea is sufficient confirmation of that. We believe, however, that there is every reason to begin to wonder whether the climax of this detente has not perhaps already been reached and passed and whether we are not once again faced with a stiffening of attitudes and actions. This apprehension merely serves to emphasize our joint responsibility.
128. The Yugoslav delegation believes, therefore, that we must make every effort to favour the common trends towards a prolongation, a renewal, an active extension of the detente, at the same time preventing its being used as a means of self-interested manoeuvre by any country whatsoever. We do not believe that the cold war has ended and that the signs of a detente have removed the tension itself, which is still very acute. It is for us, however, to produce good results from what has already been achieved by the concerted action of the peace-loving countries, so that something greater and better may be attained. We must seek to transform the still slender results of our efforts into efficient means of achieving new and better results along the same lines.
129. What would be the real danger of such a policy? We are told that it would benefit those who are less naive and who might act in bad faith. We do not hold that view. In the first place we are still, alas, very far from a general detente which would render obsolete and unnecessary the efforts which have already been made for the effective defence of peace against all possible threats. Furthermore, there is no question here of allowing ourselves to be impressed by the temporary advantages of a policy of bad faith. Nations and peoples are not blind; we may be confident even now that bad faith will certainly not be rewarded.
130. In short, if the Soviet Government has also derived benefit from certain of its actions which might be interpreted as conciliatory, we need have no cause for anxiety, from the point of view of an actively peaceful policy. Even if those actions were merely manoeuvres their success would have been achieved at the price of the temporary and partial abandonment of an aggressive policy. The permanence of such a renunciation certainly remains to be proved by further actions. In any case it is a victory for the forces of peace, even if it is only temporary. In the interests of all peoples who are vitally concerned in dissuading all countries from using force as an instrument of their foreign policy, we must now perpetuate that victory.
131. It is precisely at this point that the knot may continue to loosen or may tighten again. It is here that we meet the danger arising from the tendency which the great Powers have developed spontaneously, and almost naturally, towards a policy in which they alone would play the leading part and make the final decisions.
132. It is difficult, and frankly it is impossible, to deny that the great Powers have a special responsibility in major international problems. If that is the case, however, the consequences of their errors cannot but be particularly dangerous, and since vast interests are at stake in the conflict between the great Powers they cannot always remain impartial without the corrective support and co-operation of the smaller and less powerful nations. In our view that is one of the major reasons which justifies the existence and the aims of an organization such as the United Nations.
133. Thus one of the dangers is that the great Powers will again tend to seek a settlement of their disputes at the expense of other interested countries or without consulting them. Such attempts, as we have seen, can only in the long run increase the disequilibrium which they were designed to remove, stir up further tension and finally sow the seeds of war. It is not right that the only choice left to smaller and less powerful nations should be that of submission to one or other of the great Powers. A similar danger derives from the dictum, whatever its origin or exact terms, that one should take advantage of the weakness of one’s neighbour in order to extort substantial concessions from him.
134. As soon as one State starts aiming at hegemony, or even if there is only a possibility that it may do so, other forces interested in maintaining the equilibrium, which here means the peace, at once start seeking new alignments. The danger continues for some time, however, simply because of the possible delay on the part of the great Powers concerned in assessing the new relative strengths. That perhaps explains the oscillation in their practical policies between making overtures and adopting an uncompromising attitude. The initiative passes from one to the other in turn: at one time, a country over-estimates the weakness in the ranks of the adversary, while at another time it is the latter which over-estimates the speed of its own recovery. The task of the community of nations, and particularly of the United Nations, including the great Powers, is inter alia to eliminate these manifestations of the cold war. The only way to do this is to eliminate both the theory and the practice of the balance of power — which is always, by definition, unstable — between the great Powers by a progressive strengthening of peaceful co-operation, based on equal rights, and of democratic relations among all nations, great and small.
135. Finally, without denying the connexion between the social systems and the foreign policies of governments, we should be making a big mistake and betraying the interests of peace if we assumed the right to judge the foreign policy of a government according to the name given to the social and political system operating in that country. The one policy which must be unmasked and resisted is an aggressive policy, whatever its origin.
136. Here we return to the question of ideological warfare, which has already been criticized from this rostrum by previous Yugoslav representatives and other speakers. To give an ideological interpretation to an act of aggression or an aggressive policy is really equivalent to claiming for oneself the right to engage in an aggressive policy in the name of contrary ideology. Is it not yet apparent, for example, that arbitrarily to identify the progressive popular movements with the Soviet regime — and it is just as arbitrary, in our view, to identify that regime with communist doctrine — is to play into the hands of the Soviet Union, with its policy of domination, which policy is itself disguised beneath the cloak of ideology?
137. That is why the struggle of ideas is permissible and desirable only in so far as it tends towards constructive solutions designed to maintain and strengthen peace and to contribute to the progress of mankind. Otherwise what point would there be in speaking of the possibility of the peaceful coexistence of countries with different social regimes? The possibility of such coexistence is the corollary and logical complement of the condemnation of ideological warfare.
138. I should like to emphasize that the arrest of armed aggression in Korea by the collective action of the United Nations, which has led to the armistice, has created conditions which are favourable for the making of serious efforts to ease tension in Asia and throughout the world, despite the many inadmissible measures taken by the South Korean Government which gravely hinder the implements Ion of the principles of the United Nations with regard to the Korean problem.
139. We still have to solve the fundamental problem of that country, namely, its peaceful unification as a democratic and independent State. Moreover, at the international level this problem remains open and constitutes a danger to world peace, even after the conclusion of the armistice at Panmunjom. Consequently the United Nations, as an international organization whose principal aim is the strengthening and maintenance of peace, must bear in mind primarily the way in which the results already achieved, namely, the conclusion of the armistice in Korea, can lead to new successes.
140. We note with particular pleasure the unanimity achieved in the United Nations on the occasion of the armistice. Serious misunderstandings have arisen, however, concerning the character and composition of the political conference, thus impeding a prompt solution of the Korean question. In the belief that General Assembly resolution 711 A (VII), originally submitted by fifteen countries, does not reflect the role that the United Nations should play in this problem, my Government is of the opinion that the United Nations should fulfil the task entrusted to it by the Charter and approach the solution of this problem in its capacity as guardian and universal architect of peace, rejecting any tendency to transform this Organization into an ideological or political bloc or into a party to the armed conflict.
141. Furthermore, we cannot disregard the link between the Korean situation and the general problems affecting Asia. I am thinking primarily of one which is continually before us — that of the representation of China in the United Nations. The continued postponement of a solution to that problem will undoubtedly prevent the United Nations from playing its due part in the improvement of international relations in Asia and the Far East.
142. While I have no intention of examining all the problems of Asia I should like to stress the importance which Yugoslavia attaches to the question of the presence of Kuomintang troops in Burma. From the information at present available it would appear that the negotiations undertaken on the basis of the resolution [707 (VII)] adopted at the seventh session of the General Assembly have come to nothing, which means that effective measures are needed to ensure that these troops are withdrawn in the near future.
143. The events which have taken place in Morocco and Tunisia since our last session are such as to justify their inclusion in the agenda of this session. My delegation must voice its concern at the fact that, despite the efforts of the United Nations, no way has yet been found of reaching an equitable solution to the problems arising between those two countries and France, a solution which, by satisfying the basic aspirations of the peoples of Tunisia and Morocco, would put an end to the existing tensions and disputes.
144. In Europe, eight years after the end of the Second World War, no peace treaty has yet been concluded with Austria and the independence of that country has not been restored. The primary responsibility for that situation lies with the Soviet Union.
145. The problems of the peace treaty with Germany and the unification of that country necessarily occupy a central place on the European political scene. I can only express the hope that increased efforts on the part of the responsible Powers, which should bear in mind the safeguards which must be provided against renewed German aggression, will result in the solution of the problem, for until that is settled it is hard to see how the situation in Europe can return to normal.
146. In their desire to ensure their independence and security and thus to contribute to the common efforts of the nations for the maintenance and safeguarding of peace, Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia have, in accordance with the Charter, concluded a Treaty of friendship and co-operation. I wish to associate myself whole-hearted with the words spoken here on that subject by the representative of Greece [439th meeting], I should like to recall particularly his statement that the agreement remained open to any countries in that area who would be prepared to co-operate on a basis of equality, and that it had already helped to restore normal relations between those three countries and some of their neighbours. We are convinced that that agreement will lead to a development of friendly collaboration among the three countries which may serve as an example to other countries concerned in the maintenance of peace. We think that regional agreements of this type are a necessity today and are the best method of securing peace.
147. Furthermore, my country has always endeavoured to settle all disputes with other countries by peaceful means, by negotiations. It has never been in favour of unilateral solutions or those imposed by force or by armed demonstrations, which can only be harmful to the interests of peace in general. My country considers its participation in the common peace front to be a permanent moral obligation, independent of contingencies and vicissitudes in the relations between individual States.
148. The existence of the problems I have mentioned, together with the general atmosphere of tension and distrust caused by these unsolved problems, has led to an enormous increase in armaments. That does not mean, of course, that the General Assembly should relax its efforts to achieve a controlled international reduction of armaments. On the contrary, its efforts should be redoubled in order to reduce the burden of armaments and armed forces on the economies of the various countries and on world economy. Such efforts can and must help to ease this atmosphere of tension and distrust which encourages the progressive increase of armaments. In our opinion the present situation is propitious to the achievement of substantial results in the field of disarmament. My delegation thinks that it can now discern factors which might make it possible to reopen consideration of the problem of disarmament on a more acceptable basis. It is prepared to encourage any initiative and any proposal to that end, in its eagerness to contribute to progress in that highly important field.
149. We must not forget that the threat of aggression will not be removed simply by praiseworthy intentions. In that connexion I must refer to the contribution and experience of my country. It is the domestic stability and the strengthened defences of Yugoslavia which, in conjunction with our strenuous efforts to reduce international tension, constitute, in the circumstances, my country’s greatest contribution to the cause of peace and security in the world.
150. Although all the problems to which I have referred should be constantly in the forefront of our attention and our endeavours, they are only one aspect of the present-day problems with which our Organization is concerned, that of direct action for the maintenance of international peace and security. Before a genuine and lasting relaxation of tension can be achieved in the world, and before peace can be established on firmer foundations, we must find new methods and extend the activities of the United Nations. In this connexion I am glad to be able to express my delegation’s agreement with the views put forward by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report [A/2404].
151. A definite place is given in the Charter to the activities of the United Nations in the economic and financial fields. Thanks to the efforts made, United Nations technical assistance has already made progress. Despite the limited means at its disposal, that work deserves our full approval, both for the efforts made and the successes achieved.
152. Furthermore, the idea of establishing a special fund, the importance of which has been universally recognized, has now reached the point where it has become possible and even necessary to take practical steps to bring it about. My delegation, which has taken so prominent a part in the efforts to make this idea a reality, will lend its full support to any_ initiative in that direction, since this idea is closely linked to the needs and problems of the various countries of the world. May I be permitted, in this connexion, to quote some alarming figures taken from a report the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations: in 1938, more than 38 per cent of the world population was under-nourished, while by 1952, fourteen years later, that percentage had risen to 60 as a result of increased poverty in the under-developed countries. The Yugoslav delegation does not regard the idea of the special fund as a miraculous panacea, but it does believe that it is one of the most appropriate and effective forms of strengthening international cooperation and confidence among nations.
153. The United Nations has been very active in the social, health and cultural fields, through many organs and the specialized agencies. I am thinking of the United Nations Children’s Fund, the World Health Organization and others, in whose work my country has taken an active part, as it will continue to do in the future.
154. On the other hand, the United Nations has not been able to overcome the difficulties which have arisen with regard to the adoption of the covenant on human rights and the declaration on the rights and duties of States. Nor has it succeeded in finding effective solutions to the problem of freedom of information. These facts cannot be glossed over, for they concern important and difficult questions.
155. With regard to the vast territories of Africa and certain parts of Asia, we are forced to note that the conditions obtaining there are not satisfactory. The peoples of those territories are becoming increasingly conscious of their political and national individuality and they are demanding their independence and the right to administer their own countries. It would be unreasonable and unjust to ignore their claims and to turn a deaf ear to their voices. It is, in our opinion, as necessary as it is inevitable that in the present circumstances the United Nations should make appropriate efforts to guide dependent and semi-dependent peoples, particularly colonial peoples, on the road to freedom and independence. Such an endeavour towards the extension and strengthening of United Nations authority would, by a series of constructive actions and decisions, contribute to the elimination of the conditions in which disputes become armed conflicts and the enemies of world peace and the freedom of peoples are encouraged to pursue their ends.
156. I do not think that it is necessary to lay too much stress here on the part which the United Nations has already played and is still called upon to play in the settlement of the great international problems. It is our duty to do everything in our power to ensure that the United Nations may become an even more effective instrument.
157. We have known from the outset that we could not hope for complete harmony in the United Nations as regards die approach towards various problems and the manner of settling them, for the simple reason that the United Nations itself was established only because world opinion had become aware that the international contradictions and the unsettled problems which were dividing the world called for solution by international collaboration.
158. One of the gravest hindrances to the work of the United Nations is the fact that the principle of universality has not yet been fully applied, as the Secretary-General rightly points out in his report. Practice has shown that the absence of a large number of countries is raising many difficulties.
159. The fact that at the most critical moments the great majority of Members have formed a united front against aggression and aggressive tendencies has been one of the most valuable experiences of the United Nations. It is our duty strengthen and extend that unity, the purpose of which must be to strive for the maintenance of peace and the progress of humanity. That purpose can be achieved only if the principle of equality of rights between nations great and small is respected and supported. We are firmly convinced that the United Nations will continue its efforts to achieve its task of safeguarding peace and developing international co-operation.