1. Mr, President, I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at this twenty-second session. Your eminent qualities as an experienced European statesman are certainly well known to all of us. Your remarkable efforts in furthering international co-operation inspire great confidence in your Presidency.
2. This year has been a period of strain and stresses for the United Nations, a period of trial. Although our Organization has, on many occasions, clearly demonstrated its value as an instrument for peace, there is, in many quarters, a feeling of disappointment and impatience at what is seen as ineffectiveness and paralysis. It seems to me that it would serve a useful purpose if some part of this general debate could be devoted to a candid discussion of the role of the United Nations in the present world situation. What are the objectives, and what are the possibilities of constructive action? The debate might then allow us to discuss the road ahead and to determine the responsibilities of Member States.
3. It must be frankly admitted that the United Nations is subjected to much criticism. It is widely felt that the organs of the United Nations seldom arrive at clear-cut decisions and unambiguous positions on the really important problems. And even when decisions are reached they often remain on paper. Conflicts and crises which these organs are expected to solve take their course seemingly unaffected by warnings and demands of the United Nations. Situations which undoubtedly constitute threats to the peace or breaches of the peace—even a major war like the one in Viet-Nam — can continue for years without any United Nations intervention at all. Some Member States, like South Africa, can with impunity ignore injunctions of the United Nations supported by an almost unanimous world opinion. With the aid of some Members, amongst them South Africa, the rebel régime in Southern Rhodesia has been able to withstand the pressure of mandatory economic sanctions decided upon by the Security Council.
4. No wonder there is disillusion. The question arises how the United Nations can retain the confidence of the peoples, in spite of the discrepancy which evidently exists between promise and accomplishment, obligations and factual behaviour, ideal and reality.
5. The United Nations reflects the international reality but it also affects that reality. This is evidently true with regard to the problems and conflicts which are placed on the agenda of the Organization and lead to debate and to resolutions. But it also applies to situations, such as Viet-Nam right now, which, for various reasons, we have not been able to discuss constructively with a view to reaching decisions. These situations cannot be seen as isolated from the United Nations. By its mere existence, the United Nations in manifold ways influences all situations which involve the peace of the world, and is in turn influenced by them. We see incessantly cases of violation or neglect of Charter principles. But we must not forget that, since the creation of the United Nations, the actions of all States can be, and are being, judged by the standards of the Charter. Government leaders become increasingly aware of this constant scrutiny and examination. When furthering their own national interests they are compelled to pay some attention to the international ideals as represented and expressed by the United Nations.
6. We might also note that many countries, including great Powers, are attempting to find solutions through the United Nations to problems which directly concern their interests. The United Kingdom sought the cooperation of the United Nations to combat the rebel regime in Southern Rhodesia and to lay the foundation for a future in independence and peace for the people of South Arabia. The United States requested that the Viet-Nam problem should be placed on the agenda of the Security Council. The Soviet Union took the initiative in convening the General Assembly to consider the grave situation in the Middle East. There are different opinions about the motives behind the decisions to request United Nations intervention on these and other problems. But there can be nothing but appreciation of the tendency to take the burning questions of our day to the United Nations and to subject them to the judgement of world opinion. It is not the violent debates in these halls, the sharp differences and the bitter accusations expressed here which jeopardize the continued existence and the influence of the United Nations. The real danger would be indifference, silence and passivity.
7. Turning to the disturbing situation in the Middle East, I should first like to express deep regret that it was not possible to prevent and to resolve the threatening crisis as it developed during the spring and clearly pointed to the risk of an armed conflict, Further, it is a matter of serious concern that during the fifth emergency special session all attempts failed to lay down guide-lines for the establishment of conditions of peace with justice in the area. This is all the more unfortunate as there was near unanimity on the principles themselves: non-recognition of any rights resulting from military conquest and recognition of the right to existence in security and peace for all countries in the Middle East. It seems to me that a realistic political solution, fair to all parties, would be greatly facilitated if these principles could be stated by the United Nations in some authoritative form.
8. Although it did not prove possible to prevent the outbreak of hostilities, nor to find a basis for a lasting solution, the role of the United Nations was, however, of essential importance and still is. It was in the Security Council [resolutions 233 (1967) and 234 (1967)] that agreement was reached on a cease-fire. It is through the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Palestine that this agreement is made effective. And it is through contacts within the United Nations that it may be hoped, at some stage, to establish a situation of peace and justice in the area. The United Nations remains a truly indispensable instrument for this purpose. We must not forget that the United Nations during the last twenty years has been a moderating factor in the Middle East.
9. With respect to the problems In southern Africa it is equally important to view in the correct perspective the capacity of the United Nations to influence developments, There is disappointment and bitterness that a minority régime in South Africa can continue to pursue and to intensify a policy of racial discrimination explicitly condemned by the United Nations and described by a large majority as a threat to the peace. Appeals for freedom and independence for the peoples of South Africa, South West Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the territories under Portuguese administration are left unheeded. But are we, therefore, compelled to give up our endeavours as doomed to failure?
10. My answer is a clear no. One reason is that the debates and the decisions of the United Nations have contributed to creating and maintaining a world opinion directed against racial oppression. That is essential. Looking back only some twenty or thirty years, one is struck by the dramatic changes which have occurred in the psychological attitudes of many peoples, Including the Swedish people. It is of utmost importance that the younger generation all over the world should be educated to resist the mentality of fear and superiority which is at the root of racial discrimination. Many of the conflicts in the world today are caused or intensified by racial antagonism. Some of them threaten to develop into wars, civil or international. More information, more debate and increased contacts between the peoples are the necessary means to break this tragic trend which, If unchecked, can only lead to more injustice, more violence, more brutality, more wars.
11. Continuous education for greater understanding and tolerance between the races is of direct importance in order to hasten the abolishment of racial oppression in Southern Africa when the factual conditions for a change become ripe. Some of these conditions are the continued political struggle for freedom in the territories concerned and a strengthening of the economic and political power of the independent African countries. Seen in this perspective, the debates and resolutions here in the United Nations become meaningful. We are also made aware how important it could be to increase substantially the economic assistance to African countries, in particular those in the immediate vicinity of the countries where racial regimes still hold sway. I wish to say here that if such programmes can be worked out in the United Nations, Sweden would be willing to play its proper part in making them effective, I wish to add that we favour an increase in educational assistance to Africans from the countries concerned in order to strengthen the cadre of trained personnel who can give stability to those countries when freedom is achieved.
12. It is these two centres of conflicts — the Middle East and southern Africa — which will take up a considerable part of our attention, our patience and our energy at this session of the General Assembly. At the same time we are obliged to note that it is a third conflict in the world — not on our agenda — which constitutes the darkest cloud on the political horizon, The United Nations seems powerless to deal in a meaningful manner with the Viet-Nam conflict. This may lead to more doubts as to the usefulness of this Organization as an instrument for peace. So much the more important is it, therefore, that Member States should use this debate to express their opinions on the problem.
13. The war in Viet-Nam rages with increasing intensity. Bombs continue to fall over North Viet-Nam, In South Viet-Nam a total civil war is in progress. Viet-Namese inflict death and destruction on each other. There is outside intervention on a massive scale. The sacrifices are such that one can well understand the feeling of millions of Viet-Namese that their country's national identity and ancient civilization are at stake. This brave people, which has experienced the horrors of war for over a quarter of a century, should now at last be allowed to live in peace and dignity without foreign interference. This must be the dream of all Viet-Namese. It is an aspiration with which we all sympathize.
14. It is now generally agreed that the war can be terminated only through negotiations, through apolitical solution as the United States representative, Mr. Goldberg, emphasized here yesterday [1562nd meeting]. How then is a beginning to be made to bring about negotiations? It has been said from the North Viet-Namese side that talks could be opened if the bombing of North Viet-Namese territory ceased unconditionally. It appears to me a matter of great urgency that this way of approaching the conference table be tried. Like Secretary-General U Thant, I believe that a cessation of the bombing may lead to a solution or to the beginning of a solution. No effort to bring this conflict to an end can be left untried. As long as the war continues the threat remains of its spreading further in Asia, with unforeseeable consequences for world peace.
15. Therefore, we appeal to the most powerful party in the conflict to take the initial step. We appeal for a willingness to start the de-escalation process which can lead to peace for the people of Viet-Nam. We address this appeal to a nation whose ideals of liberty, shown not least during the two world wars, the nations of Europe have particular reason to remember with gratitude.
16. The efforts to make the United Nations better equipped to deal with threats to the peace and to contribute to the peaceful solution of conflicts must be energetically pursued on all fronts. This is part of the motivation of the Swedish Government's consistent position that the People's Republic of China should take China's seat in the different organs of the United Nations. If one wishes to give a realistic direction to the work of the United Nations, one must deplore that a country which holds one fifth of the population of the world still stands outside the Organization and appears to be becoming increasingly isolated from the outer world.
17. Further, my Government continues to give firm support to all endeavours to maintain and to develop the United Nations capacity to carry out the type of measures which have come to be called peace-keeping operations. We have been reminded by recent events in the Middle East of the characteristic features of these operations, which is that they are voluntary or, to use another word, consensual. This does not diminish their usefulness, but it does indicate that they are no substitute either for the ability of the United Nations to contribute to the solution of conflicts or for its capacity to act under Chapter VII of the Charter. However, the different organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Secretary-General, have shown wisdom and inventiveness in breaking new ground in the field of peace-keeping. Rich experience has been gained which constitutes a valuable asset for the future. It is our belief that all Member States, also those who up till now have been doubtful or negative, will become increasingly aware hereof. It is true that the endeavours to lay down guide-lines for the future have so far failed. This is to be regretted but need not lead to despondency as to the efficiency of the Organization. If and when the need arises for a peace-keeping operation, the ability of the United Nations to take the necessary measures will as hitherto hardly depend on any pre-arranged formulas. The Member States' willingness to make use of the opportunities that the Charter and the practices acquired over the years provide will in the end be decisive.
18. I wish to add that much useful work can be done, both nationally and internationally, to Improve the United Nations peace-keeping capacity. Many countries, amongst them Sweden, have made practical preparations in the form of stand-by forces, courses for United Nations observers, etc. We plan to notify the Secretary-General, at some appropriate time, of these preparations and hope that other countries will do the same, thereby keeping him fully briefed about the possibilities in respect of personnel and services that would be available In case of need.
19. Another central sector in our positive work for peace is the endeavour to advance along the road of disarmament. It is true that we cannot yet register any success comparable in importance to the partial test-ban Treaty of 1963. But the negotiations on nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, which have been carried out during last year, have lately made progress, The identical drafts of a treaty recently presented in Geneva by the delegations of the United States and the Soviet Union have been regarded as an important sign of a commencing reduction of the tension in the political climate in the world. The Swedish Government shares this opinion.
20. We all now wish to see these endeavours crowned with success. The Swedish Government has repeatedly emphasized its expectation that the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament would be able to submit a unanimous recommendation to the General Assembly on a non-proliferation treaty. We have tried, and will continue to try, to give constructive contributions towards achieving a draft text realistic enough to be acceptable to the States which are most important in this connexion. What we are aiming at is an effective, solid, international undertaking to check the trend towards a spread of nuclear armaments.
21. It is obvious to the Swedish Government — as I believe it is to the majority of the nations in the world — that one single agreement cannot be the final goal. In the search for world-wide disarmament — a balanced lowering of the guard — preparations must be pursued to meet the threat that the nuclear arms race entails. What we have in mind is, directly and concretely, the conclusion also of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and a cut-off agreement prohibiting the production of fissionable material for weapon purposes. A non-proliferation treaty may lead the way, but it has to be accompanied or followed by such other steps to which I have referred.
22. In his statement yesterday [1562nd meeting] the Danish Prime Minister suggested an inquiry into the question of some form of international system for registration of the trade in conventional arms. This may be a useful suggestion worthy of being seriously explored.
23. The gigantic and ever-greater resources invested in armaments make us realize that there is a need for haste in the efforts towards disarmament. Every day is costly. When the United Nations began to debate disarmament, the only three atom bombs then produced had already been used. Now, at enormous costs, the stocks have risen to thousands of even more devastating weapons.
24. In view of the tremendous resources invested in tools of destruction, we must greet — with relief and hope — even limited progress in the field of disarmament. It takes but little imagination to realize what even a relatively small reduction in armaments costs could mean in order to hasten our material contributions to the developing countries. To some extent — and perhaps to a very great extent — progress in the field of disarmament may help us to solve, or at least to alleviate, the greatest humanitarian and political problem of today, the destitution and starvation among the rapidly increasing masses in the poor countries.
25. I have tried in this statement to discuss the difficulties with which the United Nations is faced. But I have also wished to demonstrate the basic usefulness of our Organization, both in dealing with problems that now beset the world and, hopefully, as a beginning of more effective arrangements in the future for the maintenance of peace.
26. I express the hope that the work at this session — where elements of deep worry are mixed with elements of confidence — will be characterized by moderation, patience and realism.