80. Mr. President, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the Chair of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session. The constructive role which you have played as the representative of Romania in international affairs is well known to us all. Your high qualities as Foreign Minister and, indeed, as a statesman are a guarantee for the good conduct of the affairs of this General Assembly. I also wish to welcome you as the first representative from Eastern Europe to hold this high office. Your election is a sign of one of the most positive trends in today's international situation, the relaxation of tension between East and West.
81. Since the General Assembly last met in regular session the world has seen one of the most serious international crises in many years, the war in the Middle East in the month of June. The important role of the United Nations in the Middle East is obvious. One of the starting points of the latest flare-up was a serious curtailment of the physical possibilities of the United Nations to exercise a moderating influence in that area. And when the fragile truce collapsed, when the weapons spoke their ominous language, and an entire world watched developments in fear of their frightful implications, all efforts to bring an end to hostilities were concentrated in the United Nations. Those efforts were successful in so far as a cease-fire was achieved within a few days of the outbreak of hostilities — indeed, a major achievement.
82. Unfortunately, the developments in the Middle East since then do not justify much optimism. There has been no substantial progress towards a solution of the underlying political problems. Israeli troops are still maintaining the positions they had reached when the cease-fire was established, and the Arab States have shown no readiness to recognize Israel's right to peace and existence. The Suez Canal is closed to all shipping, and nobody knows when it will he reopened. Thousands of new refugees are now suffering the same fate that others have known for so many years. In this situation it is a matter of course that the United Nations should seek solutions to these most burning questions; and what applies to the membership in general certainly applies to the great Powers in particular. But the parties to the conflict must themselves contribute to a solution. As Members of the United Nations they have pledged themselves to practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. In compliance with this solemn obligation they should seek a solution in accordance with the provisions of Article 33 of the United Nations Charter. In any case the best way for the parties to achieve real influence on such arrangements as are necessary for establishing normal conditions in the Middle East is to take an active part in making them.
83. The views of the Danish Government are based upon the following principles which we consider equally valid: first, territorial gains should not be based upon military action; second, all Member States have a fundamental right to peaceful existence and, third, the Security Council is the United Nations organ which carries the main responsibility for the preparation and implementation of a comprehensive solution to outstanding problems. In this respect the Danish Government agrees with the Secretary-General that it. would be most helpful if he could receive appropriate authorization for the designation of a special representative to the Middle East. And we certainly also agree that such an appointee could serve as a sifter and harmonizer of ideas in the area.
84. The darkest aspect of the international situation is still the war in Viet-Nam. In my country public opinion looks upon developments there with ever growing concern.. It is tragic that a political solution to this conflict is not in sight in spite of the general wish that the war should be ended as soon as possible within the framework and on the basis of the Geneva Agreements of 1954.
85. I wish to reiterate the position of the Danish Government, We believe that the conflict in Viet-Nam can be solved by political means only, that only negotiation can lead to durable peace in South-East Asia and safeguard the rights of the Vietnamese people. But without concessions there will be no solutions, and an initial move towards negotiations would be a halt in the bombing of North Viet-Nam followed by a reduction in the military activities by both sides. Participation in the negotiations must include all those involved in the conflict.
86. In spite of the dark circumstances it is not too early to consider what could be done to assist the sorely tried Viet-Namese people in rebuilding their country when the war is over. We fully realize that the Viet-Namese people prefer to solve their own problems, and we also recognize the fact that we cannot heal all the wounds of the war. But it is an important international obligation to help remedy the damage of war, in order to alleviate the sufferings of the Viet-Namese people and create the conditions for stability in the area.
87. The Danish Government is ready to contribute to such endeavours. To this end we have initiated studies of local needs, and we have entered into cooperation with other Nordic countries. We hope that other countries, too, are giving thought to this question and will be prepared to join in international efforts in this matter.
88. I shall now turn to the question of disarmament. We welcome the progress achieved in Geneva through the tabling by the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of identical texts of a treaty on non-proliferation. This has brought us much closer to a ban on the spread of nuclear weapons.
89. The Danish Government considers a treaty on non-proliferation to be of immense value in itself. Certain countries have voiced concern about one aspect or another of such a treaty. Even if we understand these concerns, non-proliferation is in our view a question of the survival of mankind, and the very conclusion of such a treaty must therefore take precedence over all other considerations. I therefore appeal to all countries, nuclear and non-nuclear alike, to sign the treaty when a text has been agreed upon. The problems relating to a comprehensive test ban seem ripe for a solution now that technological progress is narrowing the scope of disagreement with respect to detection and verification.
90. There are other important problems in the armaments field. The Danish Government believes that an international agreement to limit the trade in conventional weapons would be highly beneficial. This goal cannot be reached in the near future, but a useful first step might be an agreement to exchange information through a United Nations organ on the international trade of conventional weapons. To this end the Secretary-General could make inquiries with all Member States and report their views to the twenty-third session of the General Assembly.
91. With regard to the question of the representation of China, it remains the position of the Danish Government that only the People's Republic of China is entitled to represent China in the United Nations.
92. The Danish Government attaches great importance to the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations. The possibilities of the United Nations in this field must be preserved and developed. However, we must not try to force through any apparent progress that is inconsistent with the political realities.
93. We have noted that a number of Member States — even some which have pledged to do so — have not yet made voluntary contributions to cover the deficit of the Organization. We hope that Member States which have not yet offered voluntary contributions will do so now, and especially the major Powers whose wishes were met in connexion with the understanding of September 1965.
94. In the southern part of Africa the problem is how to avert the dangers which threaten international peace and security. As to Southwest Africa the Danish Government supported the resolution of the twenty-first General Assembly by which the Mandate of South Africa over South West Africa was terminated [2145 (XXI)]. It has caused us great concern that the broad agreement of the twenty-first General Assembly did not pass the test to which it was put during the fifth special session, when general principles were, to he spelt out in more concrete and practical terms. In our opinion unity and solidarity are absolutely necessary if real pressure is to be brought to bear upon South Africa.
95. In December of last year the Security Council determined [resolution 232 (1966)] that the situation in Southern Rhodesia constituted a threat to international peace and security. To bring down the illegal regime in Salisbury the Council decided for the first time to invoke mandatory sanctions under the Charter. It is a matter for regret that certain Governments have declared that they are not prepared to participate in the sanctions. It is also regrettable that there is reason to suspect that the legislation and practices in certain other countries are not efficient enough to prevent individuals and companies from breaking the embargo. When adequate information is at hand Denmark will be prepared to support a move in the Security Council to extend and tighten up the sanctions.
96. The key to a durable solution of the problems in the southern part of Africa lies in South Africa. Denmark has repeatedly supported the resolutions by which the General Assembly has drawn the attention of the Security Council to the fact that the situation in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security, that action under Chapter VII of the Charter is essential in order to solve the problem of apartheid, and that universally applied mandatory economic sanctions are the only means of achieving a peaceful solution.
97. It is still the position of the Danish Government that the Security Council alone is competent to initiate action under Chapter VII of the Charter. We are also of the opinion that specific proposals for a solution must be practicable and that resolutions about sanctions will be of no use as long as the major trading partners of South Africa will not implement them.
98. To sum up my views on southern Africa let me say this. The situation is a potential threat to international peace and security, also because In certain circumstances it could be used as a pawn in a wider political context. Furthermore it is a permanent threat to the unity in this Assembly, which is called upon to deal with so many difficult problems and to work for so many high goals, We should all keep this in mind, particularly those countries whose attitude in the last resort will decide the outcome.
99. The Danish Government will continue to support the work of the United Nations and the specialized agencies in the field of economic and social development. The second session of the Conference on Trade and Development to be held In New Delhi In 1968 offers an opportunity for concerted practical act ion by the world community. We share the opinion of the Secretary-General of UNCTAD that the conference should concentrate on those questions which hold prospect of agreement and where concrete results appear to be within reach.
100. All member countries of the United Nations must participate in vigorous action to combat the hunger which threatens many parts of the world. However, there is a parallel need to control the increase of the world population. We are encouraged by the large contributions offered to the Secretary-General's Trust Fund for population activities. Population control furthermore is an increasingly important element in Danish bilateral development programmes.
101. Experience gained during the present development decade underscores the need for thorough and early planning for the next development decade. The Danish Parliament has recently adopted a plan according to which Denmark in a few years will reach the 1 percent target established by the United Nations.
102. In 1945 the United Nations took upon itself the task of creating a new world order based upon the rule of law, peace and justice and respect for fundamental human rights. It could only be expected that progress towards realizing a task of such magnitude would be slow, painful and exposed to set-backs. There is, however, only one way by which to reach our goal and that is by determined and patient efforts in recognition of the fact that basically the vital interests of all peoples are Identical.