72. Mr. President, please allow me, first of all, to congratulate you on your election to the important position of President of the General Assembly at this Session, and to thank the retiring President, Ambassador Pazhwak, for his valuable service in presiding over three difficult consecutive sessions. In extending our felicitations, Mr. President, my delegation and Government wish to assure you that we are confident that you will fulfil your new duties with the same distinction which has characterized your service to the cause of the United Nations in the past. We also welcome you as representing an important region of the world community which, we regret, has not previously been called upon to provide leadership to the Assembly.
73. Each new session of the General Assembly brings with it a new opportunity to demonstrate again our commitment to the ideals set forth in the Charter. Therefore, let us begin the work of this session mindful of that opportunity and of our obligation to unite in the spirit of the Charter for the settlement of the many and grave problems facing us. A start towards their solutions, moreover, must be made quickly in order to prevent world tensions from reaching a level that will make an explosion inevitable, thus creating further suffering to mankind and making the goal of world peace even more difficult to achieve.
74. The intensity of the warfare in Viet-Nam is increasing; those involved cling just as rigidly to their own positions and become even more suspicious of each other's intentions. The consequences of the recent war in the Middle East aggravate a problem that is of long duration. The ever-increasing arms race threatens to disrupt even the precarious "balance of terror" that prevails at present. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples made by this Assembly [resolution 1514 (XV)] is not being implemented; instead, more obstructions are appearing to its implementation. And finally, the difference between the standards of living prevailing in the rich and poor States is becoming ever more overwhelming. In all those cases, different peoples are struggling for objectives involving rights, justice and peace.
75. If we are to be successful in our efforts, we must first understand the underlying causes giving rise to the conflicts. Mistrust and suspicions grow out of the differences in ideology and concepts between what have been called "super-Powers" and give rise to an international atmosphere in which it is easier to suspect than to trust one another. External interference in the domestic affairs of other States, compulsion and subversion in political, military and economic forms, poison international relationships. Colonial domination is being strengthened by acts of racial discrimination, and both directly violate human rights. The more affluent States often consider only their own prosperity, while at the same time the greater part of the human race is still burdened by hunger, poverty, ignorance and disease.
76. The picture presented here is indeed dismal. Man's capacity in the field of technology far surpasses his ability to solve the more immediate problems of living together in peace. All the wonders of modern science will be useless if weapons replace words and deeds as a method of solution.
77. Individually we must do our utmost to correct our own national shortcomings, while collectively seeking to create conditions in which our common aspirations for world peace and prosperity can thrive. Since our Proclamation of Independence, Indonesia has possessed its own national guide in pursuit of that goal. The Preamble to our Constitution requires the Indonesian Government
"to protect the whole of the Indonesian People and their entire native land, to advance the general welfare, to develop the intellectual life of the nation and to contribute in implementing a world order based on independence, lasting peace and social justice".
78. These aspirations of our people, as set forth in the 1945 Constitution and embodied In our national philosophy of Pancha Shila, the five principles upon which our country and national life are founded, must be upheld. The deviations from Pancha Shila and the 1945 Constitution that occurred during the period of the old order resulted in severe and damaging consequences to the foundations of the life of our nation. The main task of the new order is to re-establish those principles in their pure form and to maintain their integrity against all attempts to revert to practices which violated them.
79. The present Government has launched a political and economic stabilization programme to create the necessary conditions for attaining these ends. In this framework, our most pressing national duty at the moment is to stabilize and rehabilitate our national economy. The sufferings of our people have gone too long unheeded. In the short term our domestic programme is aimed at controlling inflation, meeting the people's needs for daily subsistence, rehabilitating the economic infrastructure and increasing export activities.
80. In the long term we have setup a scale of priorities: first for development in the agricultural sector, then in the field of the infrastructure, and finally for the development of industry, including mining and oil resources. We have already begun to implement our programme, and in 1969 a five-year development plan will be put into effect.
81. In our foreign relations we are trying to realize the deep aspirations of our people for an Indonesia that can contribute to the building of a world community in which an atmosphere of friendship among nations and peoples can exist. With this in mind we are determined to pursue an active and independent foreign policy to achieve these goals.
82. We have begun to pursue such a policy with our neighbouring countries of South East Asia, with whom we wish to lay strong foundations for living together in peace. In August 1966 Indonesia reached agreement with Malaysia to end all the acts of hostility that had accompanied confrontation. Since that time our relations with both Singapore, which we had recognized previously, and Malaysia have continued to improve. Today we are pleased to be able to state that formal diplomatic relations have been resumed.
83. With the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations we have launched a policy of close and mutually beneficial regional co-operation with Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. In the declaration establishing the Association those countries stress their own primary responsibility for strengthening the economic stability of the region and for ensuring their own peaceful and progressive national development. By this means - we are determined to ensure our stability and security from external interference in any form or manifestation in order to preserve our own national identities in accordance with the ideals and aspirations of our peoples. In this connexion the declaration also stresses that foreign bases, which are of a temporary nature, should not be used directly or indirectly to undermine the national independence and freedom of these States or to stand in the way of their national development. In its aims and purposes the Association strives to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development, and to promote technical, scientific and administrative co-operation through joint endeavours. The sole aim of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is to achieve the benefits of mutual prosperity for its members. It wishes to be on friendly terms with all countries. Its purposes are in full accord with the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, it is consistent with the spirit of Asian and African co-operation as embodied in the Bandung Declaration.
84. The problem of Viet-Nam is one of the major obstacles in the path of reaching closer relations among the nations of South East Asia, as well .as being one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. The Indonesian Government is convinced that this situation is one which must be solved by the people of Viet-Nam themselves, without any outside interference. A Viet-Nam settlement, in the opinion of my Government, should be based upon the 1954 Geneva Agreements, reached thirteen years ago for this very purpose. If a peaceful settlement at the conference table is to be reached promptly, the first step must be the immediate and unconditional end of the bombing of North Viet-Nam in order to promote conditions conducive to mutual agreement and settlement.
85. Another situation which vitally affects the relations among nations in South East Asia and in the world as a whole is the hostile attitude displayed by the People's Republic of China towards the other States in the region. In particular, we cannot remain silent in the face of subversive and provocative acts directed against Indonesia's national integrity and people, which are contrary to accepted standards of international practice and conduct. We will exercise our right to take whatever measures we deem necessary to defend ourselves from such encroachments.
86. It is a conspicuous and highly regrettable fact that the present most serious threats to world peace and security lie in precisely those regions that would benefit most by calm, in order to develop their internal economies. The two most pressing items on the agenda of this Assembly are the situation in the Middle East and the continuing problem of colonialism. Both of these questions require our urgent attention, since both are capable of becoming focal points for the outbreak of a major war.
87. The Government of Indonesia cannot conceal its great disappointment over the outcome of the fifth emergency special session of this Assembly that recently considered the crisis in the Middle East. Again, we should like to call upon all parties concerned to exert their most strenuous efforts towards reaching a lasting settlement. The large and powerful States have a special responsibility in this direction, since their very size and power give them unique responsibilities when the peace and security of the world are at stake. It is Indonesia's conviction that Member States, by utilizing the machinery available through the United Nations, ultimately serve their own best interests; we maintain that the United Nations is the best forum in which to seek a peaceful settlement and possesses the best machinery for that purpose. We continue to support the struggle of the Arab States. We remain convinced that the first step on the only path to permanent peace in the area is for the Israeli troops to be withdrawn to the positions they occupied prior to 5 June.
88. Indeed, there was near unanimity in the fifth emergency special session on the principle of no territorial gains by military conquest alone. We fully endorse the view of the Secretary-General that such a policy would lead to disastrous consequences if the United Nations were to compromise on this fundamental principle. Only then will it be possible to solve the other urgent problems, including the plight of the refugees and war casualties.
89. I referred earlier to the seriousness with which Indonesia regards the subject of colonialism. The perpetuation of colonial relationships is a crime against humanity. Seven years after this Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples there are still 30 million people suffering from the inevitable injustices of colonial rule. This is an intolerable situation which must — I repeat must — be resolved without further delay. In the southern area of Africa the colonial Powers have actually taken steps to strengthen their domination, and long-standing policies of racial discrimination are being intensified, contrary to even the most basic concepts of human rights.
90. The Government of Indonesia continues to support and to encourage all peoples struggling to achieve their national independence. We oppose imperialism in all its forms and manifestations. Indonesia will continue to support any measures to compel the colonial Powers to follow the recommendations already made by the United Nations with respect to South West Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the colonial Territories under Portugal.
91. As to all other Non-Self-Governing Territories, the Government of Indonesia calls upon the Assembly to set an early date for the complete independence of each Territory concerned. Steps must be taken rapidly to improve the existing educational facilities, and to provide adequate measures in the social and economic fields for promoting economic viability. Equally urgent are steps to eliminate all remaining foreign military bases.
92. Still another problem endangering the peace of the world is the ever-increasing arms race. Unhalted, it may well lead to world annihilation. We must, therefore, increase our efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament. Simultaneous with those efforts, we must also strive to reach agreements on collateral measures, especially a comprehensive test-ban treaty and a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. With regard to this last aspect, the non-nuclear countries' legitimate interests and concerns should be taken into full account.
93. The attention of this session must also be turned to the problems of economic development, since, in the final analysis, a solution to those problems will be decisive in the search for world stability and prosperity. The more dramatic nature of the political problems which confront us must not blind us to the fact that the necessary pre-condition for political stability is economic stability.
94. Of course, in the first instance, economic development is the responsibility of each individual State. But economic questions today are of such an interrelated nature that many of the problems confronting the developing countries do not lie solely within their power to solve. Many economic problems are inevitably international in their range and effect. It is precisely in such areas that international co-operation must be increased. The United Nations has already succeeded in opening new channels by means of international bodies to discuss and co-ordinate their over-all aspects. There is the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development for the trade problems of the developing countries, the United Nations Industrial Development Organization for problems of industrialization, the United Nations Development Programme for technical assistance and pre-investment activities; while capital investment would this year, we hope, be channeled through the United Nations Capital Development Fund.
95. But such bodies as those will remain mere forums for discussion if there is no political will among the more highly industrialized States to take the concrete steps that are so drastically needed. In this connexion it is to be hoped that the developed States will alter their attitudes and show that they mean to co-operate in deeds. The second Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will be a test case as to their intention.I must stress again that world peace and stability, in the last analysis, depend on whether or not the world community is truly committed to the fact that the world is one interrelated whole in which the economic health of one area is inevitably linked with that of every other area. The ultimate consequences of economic stagnation and collapse in the countries striving to modernize their economies will be as catastrophic to the "have" nations as to the "have nots".
96. The extent of the role of the United Nations in settling all these wide-ranging problems depends on the positive attitudes of all the Member States. We must all, surely, recognize that the existence of the United Nations in this world has had a beneficial influence upon the resolution of many international questions. It would certainly be dangerous for all of us if unilateral action were to be restored to a prominent place in international relations.
97. We therefore have no alternative but to make the greatest effort of which we are capable to ensure that this world Organization fulfils the role which the whole of mankind expects of it. Apart from efforts to adapt the structure and organization of the United Nations to the changes taking place with the passage of time, Member States must do more. It is necessary for each one of us, every Member State, every delegation, every member of a delegation, to possess the goodwill and the determination to work with devotion that the United Nations may become a truly effective instrument for building peace and creating well-being for the whole of mankind. We must approach our task with the deep conviction that, however impossible of solution our problems seem we can, through persistence, diligence and patience, eventually reach just and lasting solutions. It would certainly be unrealistic to expect quick and easy answers to problems many of which are as old as civilization itself. But we must begin in the full realization that we, meeting here, are mankind's best hope for survival.