21. Comrade President, the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR joins in the congratulations and good wishes already expressed to you on the occasion of your election to the responsible office of President of the present session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are especially glad to congratulate you, the representative of a socialist country.
22. The Great October Socialist Revolution has brought to our people social and national liberation; it has enabled us to create our State and has opened up wide avenues for great material and spiritual progress. With the victory of the socialist revolution, whose fiftieth anniversary is being celebrated this year by the whole of progressive mankind, the peoples of the world have acquired a solid foundation in the struggle against wars of conquest and for peace, security and social progress. The principles of peace and international security, equality, friendship and co-operation between States, proclaimed by the October Revolution, the policy of support for the struggle of peoples for national and social liberation pursued by the forces of socialism, and the systematic implementation of the principles of peaceful coexistence of States with varying social systems are winning increasingly firm position in the world arena, are setting the standards of relations among States and are reflected in the United Nations Charter and in various constructive decisions taken by it and its bodies.
23. The peoples of the first socialist State in the world had to overcome many tribulations to consolidate and defend the conquests of the October Revolution. The combined forces of imperialism and internal counter-revolution came out in opposition to the young country of the Soviets. We lived and developed in difficult international conditions and in constant danger of imperialist aggression.
24. During the Second World War, the shock troops of imperialism — the hordes of German fascism were hurled against us. But our people stood firm and won. As was stated in the theses of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for the fiftieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution:
"The results of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union have convincingly shown that there are no forces in the world which can crush socialism, which can bring a people to its knees if it is true to the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, faithful to its socialist homeland, and united around the party of Lenin. These results are a grim warning to the imperialist aggressors and a stern and unforgettable lesson of history".
The wars imposed upon us caused tremendous casualties and destruction. On the territory of Byelorussia alone, during the years of the Great Patriotic War, over 2.2 million men were killed by the Hitlerite invaders, that is, one out of every four inhabitants of the Republic. Over half of our national wealth was destroyed or stolen.
25. As the result of our intensive and steadfast labours, we have healed the wounds of war in our economy and have made great strides forward. In 1966 the industrial production of the Byelorussian SSR was sixty-four times greater than the pre-evolutionary level. It must be remembered in this connexion that of these fifty years of our socialist history, seven were taken up by destructive wars imposed upon us, and eleven years were devoted to the elimination of their serious consequences. We can now say with pride that in the Republic all sectors of the national economy are being successfully developed and the standard of living of the population is constantly improving. The recent plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopted plans for developing the national economy for the coming years and measures to increase the well-being of the Soviet people. Decisions have been taken to increase wages, to provide longer holidays for workers and employees, to reduce taxes, to increase pensions and lower the pensionable age, etc. As you can see, our people are elaborating and carrying out large-scale plans for the construction of a communist society. However, in Byelorussia the pernicious consequences of war still make themselves felt. We have still not attained the pre-war population level. We render homage to those who fell in the struggle against fascism. The heroes of the war, dead and living, defended peace and freedom, laid the foundations of the post-war reconstruction of the world, enabled us all to create an international Organization for the maintenance of peace, where solutions for the fundamental problems of our era are being discussed and sought. We regard as a pledge to those heroes of the war the words in the United Nations Charter affirming that we are "determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind". That provision was worked out by the authors of the Charter, one of whom was my country. Over seventy States have joined this Organization since then.
26. In the twenty-two years that the United Nations has been in existence nobody has openly attacked that fundamental objective of the United Nations. But has everybody respected in the past and is everyone now respecting the provisions of our Organization's Charter? Unfortunately, the answer to that is "No".
27. The socialist and other peace-loving States firmly defend peace and the strict observance of the obligations assumed by them under the United Nations Charter. Upon their initiative a number of proposals reflecting the vital interests of mankind have been adopted or are under discussion. We need only recall the positions and proposals of the socialist countries on problems of disarmament, the nuclear test-ban, non-proliferation and prohibition of nuclear weapons, the liquidation of foreign military bases, the prohibition of the use of chemical and bacteriological weapons, and the use of outer space for peaceful purposes. Yesterday marked the tenth anniversary of the day when the Soviet Union blazed the trail into space, at the same time presenting a programme to ensure the exclusively peaceful use of outer space. The socialist countries initiated the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of their Independence and Sovereignty [resolution 2131 (XX)], the Declaration on the Strict Observance of the Prohibition of the Threat or Use of Force in International Relations, and of the Right of Peoples to Self-Determination [resolution 2160 (XXI)] and many other decisions of great importance.
28. On the other hand, there is a group of countries which have constantly delayed effective action by the United Nations and which pursue policies compatible neither with the United Nations Charter nor with its decisions for strengthening peace.
29. This can be seen in the aggressive acts of the United States against the peoples of Cuba, Guatemala, Korea, and the Dominican Republic, its repeated intrigues in the Middle East and in Africa and the wax that is now being waged against the freedom-loving people of Viet-Nam. The United States of America is engaged in a reckless escalation of the war against Viet-Nam which is doomed to failure, yet at the same time it claims to want to hold peace talks. But if the facts are analysed, it may be concluded that so far as the search for a political settlement is concerned, a kind of de-escalation is taking place in the United States position. Indeed, at the last session of the United Nations General Assembly, the United States representative declared that the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam would cease if the latter proclaimed its willingness to engage in negotiations. As we all know, such a statement was made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam in January 1967. Why is it then that the United States has not ceased its bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, but, on the contrary, has intensified it and is stepping it up day by day, thereby escalating the war against the people of South Viet-Nam. At the present session the United States representative is putting forward new conditions for the cessation of the bombing which can be only interpreted as a demand, in the form of an ultimatum, that the people of Viet-Nam should unconditionally accept conditions dictated by the United States aggressors.
30. Speaking in the general debate [1562nd meeting], the representative of the United States, the country upon which the cessation of this war of aggression depends, appealed to representatives to put forward proposals "in order to assist the United States in putting an end to the Viet-Nam conflict by peaceful means". But has he not heard such proposals? It is a well-known fact that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam has shown the way towards a settlement by calling for a final and unconditional cessation of the bombing and other acts of aggression. This position is shared by the socialist States and by the representatives of many other countries. The unconditional cessation of the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam as the first step towards negotiations was supported by the representatives of Canada, Denmark, Sweden, France, Somalia, Indonesia, Kenya, Burundi, the United Arab Republic, Senegal, the Netherlands, Finland, and a number of other countries. The Secretary-General of the United Nations is in favour of this, and so is the world Press, including that of the United States. For instance, The New York Times in an editorial devoted to the statement of the United States representative, wrote on 22 September 1967:
"The world cannot be expected to take seriously American talk of peace unless it is joined with an act of peace, a suspension of the bombing."
31. Thus, the United States representative has received his answer, and the United States has only to accept the proposal which has been made, but so far this has not been done. The President of the United States, in his statement of 29 September 1967, under the usual demagogic pretext of fighting communism, declared that the United States intended to continue its aggression in Viet-Nam. Yet, according to United States figures, the Americans have already lost over 100,000 casualties in killed and wounded, and this senseless war is costing the American taxpayer almost $3 million every hour.
32. We have already spoken of our condemnation of those who participate in the United States aggression in Viet-Nam, Some of them, such as the representative of the Philippines, have endeavoured to justify their actions, but these attempts have convinced no one. During this session there have been reports of the arrival in South Viet-Nam of a first contingent of the Thai troops. A year ago Thailand was still denying even the existence and the use of American bases on its territory in the war against neighbouring States. Now Thailand is already sending its troops to South Viet-Nam and the representative of that country, an accomplice In United States aggression, was the only speaker at the morning session to defend the barbarous bombing of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and other acts of aggression by the United States military. He said that he had come to the session with "a sad heart", but this is certainly not the only disease of the foreign policy of his country. The aggressors and those who abet them will not be able to shirk their responsibility for the crimes committed against the Viet-Namese people.
33. The United Nations Charter and other principles of international law are still being violated by Israel and its protectors, who oppose the elimination of the consequences of Israel's aggression against the Arab States. At the fifth emergency special session of the General Assembly, in a statement by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Byelorussian SSR, Mr. Kiselev (1533rd meeting) and in further statements by our delegation, we set out in detail our views regarding Israel's aggression against the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. We demanded then, and we insist now, that the Israel aggression should be condemned, that there should be an immediate withdrawal of Israel troops from the conquered territories and that restitution should be made for the damage sustained by the Arab States as a result of the aggression.
34. All we have said previously remains in full force. However, we cannot let the statements and actions of the Israel aggressors pass without comment. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel attempted here to misrepresent the whole course of the fifth emergency special session of the United Nations General Assembly. But whom is he trying to mislead? All the representatives will remember that at the emergency session, as well as at this session, the majority of countries have condemned the aggression of Israel, have declared that the conquest of foreign territories was Inadmissible, have pointed out the illegality of Israel's actions in Jerusalem and have demanded humanitarian treatment for prisoners of wax and the local population. Yet the representative of Israel tries to tell us that the General Assembly should practically give Israel a prize for its aggression. Such insolence is indeed boundless.
35. Israel's aggression is concealed behind talk about the right to live and the right to living space. During the Second World War, the peoples of Europe experienced at first hand the consequences of the demented theories about Lebensraum with which Hitlerite Germany masked its aggression and territorial claims against other peoples. The right to live does not give the right to aggression and the conquest of foreign territory. We raise this question in connexion with the statement of the Prime Minister of Israel, who said:
"One cannot find a better natural boundary between Israel and the United Arab Republic than the Suez Canal."
We also raise it in connexion with the illegal realization of plans for the colonization of the occupied territories by placing special settlements there. For Israel there is only one possibility of maintaining its right to live, and that is to renounce its policy of conquest, to cease being an instrument of imperialist powers in the Middle East and to withdraw its troops from all conquered Arab territories.
36. Realistic ways of bringing about a settlement in the Middle East were proposed by the representative of the United Arab Republic and other Arab states. No one should be surprised at the fact that the just words spoken by the Foreign Minister of the United Arab Republic concerning the situation in the Middle East were followed by a request from the representative of the United States to exercise his right of reply. That is the way it goes. No sooner is Israel rightly accused of aggression than Mr. Goldberg goes to the rostrum and starts justifying Israel's aggression. It is easy to see who is aiding and abetting Israel's aggression and whose interests the United States representative is defending here.
37. And then a few days later, the Israel aggressor himself plucks up enough courage to exercise his right of reply. It would be better if the aggressor were made to answer for his crimes instead of being permitted to enjoy the right of reply in order to confuse matters. We are convinced that the peoples of the world will act to that end and will succeed in eliminating all the consequences of Israel's aggression against the neighbouring Arab States.
38. The situation in the world today shows time and time again that the fundamental duty of the United Nations is to curb the forces of aggression. Our delegation is convinced that the speedy completion of the elaboration of an international legal definition of aggression would help the United Nations effectively to perform its duty towards the international community. There is no justification for the fact that the United Nations, whose principal purpose is to halt aggression and maintain universal peace, has still not been able to work out a definition of aggression and has thus left a great gap in international law that has been seized upon and is being utilized by those who interfere in other peoples' affairs and violate the sovereign rights of other nations. The absence of a definition of aggression makes it easier for aggressive acts to be committed with impunity and encourages even greater temerity on the part of the aggressors. The Byelorussian delegation considers that the initiative of the Soviet Union, which has proposed the consideration at the present session of the General Assembly of an item on the need to expedite the drafting of a definition of aggression in the light of the present international situation [A/6833], is a most important and timely one.
39. The decision of the General Assembly [1572nd meeting], which, despite the objections of those who oppose a definition of aggression, has decided to study this question as a political matter in plenary session, is most encouraging. In our view, there is a good chance of working out such a definition of aggression in the near future.
40. Some speakers allege that this is a complex task requiring a purely legal approach. But this is not a matter of complex and subtle legal formulas. An international legal definition of such a grievous crime against humanity as aggression would not be to the liking of those who ignore the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. This fact, and this fact alone, reveals the reason for all the inexcusable delay.
41. By working out a definition of aggression, the General Assembly would be taking a decision of the utmost importance for international peace and the adoption of effective measures to put an end to aggression. Such a decision would constitute a stern warning to the forces of aggression and war concerning their responsibility for the violation of international peace.
42. The present discussion in the General Assembly is clear evidence that the overwhelming majority of States view with alarm and concern the development of events on the international scene. They are concerned that acts of violence, blackmail and coercion still occur in the present-day world. They are concerned over the continuation of the unprecedented arms race imposed on the world by the forces of imperialism. According to the Secretary of State of the United States, the NATO countries have spent over $1 million on military objectives since the creation of that aggressive bloc. The military budget of the United States for one year alone is equal to the gross national product of the whole of Latin America. The arms race gives rise to an ever-increasing danger of military conflict, the scope of which it is even impossible to foresee. It greatly complicates the international situation, preventing the development of normal relations among States. It diverts to unproductive ends colossal amounts of material resources and is reflected in the scope and forms of assistance given to the developing areas of the world.
43. The situation is, of course, complex, but it would not be justifiable to exaggerate the many obstacles placed along the road to a stable peace by the aggressive policies of the imperialist states. Peace can be maintained and consolidated if new initiatives, a new approach and new determination prevail. This is what the socialist countries are systematically striving for.
44. The key to an easing of the tensions besetting the world today lies in universal and complete disarmament. It is well known that a settlement of the problem of disarmament has, up to the present time, met with obstacles that cannot be regarded as justified if we consider the interests of mankind and not those of the imperialist circles and groups of monopolies deriving vast profits from war production.
45. The efforts of the socialist states and other peace-loving nations to achieve decisive progress in the field of disarmament have already yielded some results. In recent years, certain important steps have been taken; the testing of nuclear weapons in three environments has been banned and certain progress has been achieved in the matter of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We are awaiting the results of the work of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament and we hope that it will succeed in agreeing on the final text of a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The peoples of the world have long been awaiting such a treaty. Its elaboration and speedy signature by all States would, as has been stated here by many delegations, considerably reduce the growing danger of a thermonuclear war and contribute to the solution of many other problems of security facing the world, including, first of all, that of the prohibition and later the liquidation of nuclear weapons.
46. We consider that one of the questions that could be debated now is that of the conclusion of a treaty on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons. Such a treaty would be a logical consequence and a legal confirmation of Obligations solemnly proclaimed by the States Members of the United Nations in the Declaration on the prohibition of the use of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons [resolution 1653 (XVI)]. The vitally important need for such a treaty was convincingly shown by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Mr. Gromyko, in his statement on 22 September of this year (1563rd meeting). The draft of an international convention (A/6834) submitted by him to the United Nations gives expression to the firm conviction of all peoples that mankind is capable not only of creating a weapon of terrifying destructive force, but also of forbidding its use and, finally, of destroying it completely, in the interests of peace and progress.
47. The convention submitted to the General Assembly would provide additional guarantees to non-nuclear countries. This would, of course, be in the interests of the peoples of those countries and would make possible further efforts towards effective nuclear disarmament. The Byelorussian SSR is in full agreement with the terms of the Soviet draft convention on this subject.
48. It is quite understandable that delegations, when speaking in the General Assembly, give priority to the situation in their own parts of the world. But international problems are closely inter-related. Poverty in Africa and Asia can be explained by the policies of exploitation pursued by the monopolies of the United States and Western Europe; the suffering In the Middle East is principally the result of the policies of the United States; the racist extremism of the regimes in Southern Rhodesia and the Republic of South Africa is the result of the policies of countries that support the racists, countries situated thousands of miles from the African continent. It would be an unforgivable mistake to be interested only in one's own problems. A fire in the neighbour's house can easily bring disaster to everyone.
49. In this connexion, my delegation would like to draw the attention of the Assembly to the dangerous situation in Europe, where the ruling circles of West Germany obstinately pursue a militaristic and revanchist policy and foster and create tension, apparently believing that such a state of affairs will enable them to carry out their insane plans of hegemony.
50. The Federal Republic of Germany is impeding the creation of a collective security system in Europe. It is the only European State which openly demands a revision of the map of Europe and of post-war agreements, a country in which a neo-fascist party is slowly coming to Power, The adventurers of Bonn strive to obtain access to nuclear weapons, try to take a lead position in NATO, and insolently attack the German Democratic Republic, a peace-loving and democratic State, whose policy is in full conformity with the principles and purposes of the United Nations. But it should not be forgotten that the present borders in Europe are just as firm as is the will of the socialist States and peace-loving forces in the world to do all in their power to prevent West German militarism and revanchism from ever being able to trouble the tranquillity and security of the peoples of Europe and to embark on the path of crimes against peace and mankind.
51. It is the duty of all States to raise their voice of protest against the militaristic policy of West Germany, the dangers of which were clearly indicated in Bucharest Declaration as well as the Declaration of Communists' and Workers' Parties at their Conference in Karlovy Vary. These documents provide for the safeguarding of collective security in Europe in the interest of universal peace, freedom and progress of peoples.
52. By accepting the German Democratic Republic as a Member, the United Nations would be carrying out its obligations under the Charter and would be helping to bring about a healthier situation in Europe.
53. The lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations should be established by the expulsion of the Chiang Kai-shek supporters from the United Nations and its bodies.
54. Those who are concerned over the fate of our Organization, those who wish to enhance its ability actively to influence the positive development of international relations, cannot fail to approve the proposals of the socialist States, including the Byelorussian SSR, concerning the withdrawal of the forces of the United States and all other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the flag of the United Nations (A/6696 and Add, 1-3). The withdrawal of occupation forces from South Korea, the dissolution of the illegally created United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea and and the removal of the so-called Korean question from the agenda, would serve the consolidation of peace in the Far East.
55. The United Nations General Assembly Is confronted with an important task—to overcome the attempts of the colonialists to maintain their positions in the remaining colonial territories. Many delegations have rightly demanded that the United States, the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and other imperialist powers should end their support for Portugal and the racist regimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, so that the decision of the last session of the General Assembly [resolution 2165 (XXI)] concerning the immediate elimination of military bases on colonial territories could be carried out, since these bases are used to suppress the national liberation movement, to exert pressure on the young independent States and to commit aggression against them. It is also essential to condemn the predatory activity of foreign monopolies in colonial territories and to outline specific measures to put an end to the exploitation and pillage of colonial peoples. Our delegation supports the initiative of the People's Republic of Bulgaria [1575th meeting], which stresses the need for active co-operation by the specialized agencies and the international organizations in the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the elimination of colonialism.
56. The unwillingness of the colonialists to cooperate with the United Nations in liquidating colonial and racist regimes and their pernicious consequences can be seen in some of the statements made in the general debate. We note, for instance, the statement made by the Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom (1567th meeting), who spoke of the undesirability of using force against the racists of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, If we consider the United Kingdom's policy, this indulgence towards a small group of white colonialists contrasts strangely with its colonialist intransigence towards the patriotic forces of Aden and Oman, where repressive measures are still being carried out, as well as terrorism and punitive operations against peoples demanding true and not fictitious independence. The colonialists' plans to retain their domination over small territories are also disquieting. The Assembly must decisively oppose such plans.
57. Colonialism and imperialist exploitation have condemned many peoples of the world to considerable economic backwardness. It is quite natural that the United Nations should be confronted with a whole complex of problems of economic development and co-operation. These problems must be settled. This must be done not only on the basis of the needs of the developing countries, but also by taking into account the general world situation and the situation of international trade and scientific and technical co-operation as a whole. It is Impossible to create favourable conditions for the trade of developing countries without settling the cardinal problem of trade between East and West. In the same way, it is impossible to develop successfully scientific, technical and industrial cooperation without taking into account the interests of all States of the world. However, in the United Nations these factors are not always taken into consideration. Sometimes we hear speeches in which it is alleged that problems concerning the maintenance of peace are the task of the great Powers only. There is much talk about economic needs without mention of those responsible for such a state of affairs. There is insufficient consistency in matters of normalization of economic aid and scientific and technical co-operation between all States. Another Development Decade or even several such Decades as may be proclaimed but they will not yield the desired results, anymore than the present Decade has done, if this attitude is maintained. Concerted action must be taken to settle problems of Interest to all States and peoples, to do away with inequality, discrimination and exploitation. Only then will the plans and programmes of the United Nations prove realistic.
58. In our opinion, in settling the problems of developing countries at the present time we should focus our attention on questions linked with the protection of their economic interests. It would be expedient to continue the work begun in 1966, on the initiative of the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, on the further elaboration of recommendations concerning possible measures to stop the outflow of capital from developing countries [see 1440th meeting, P/151]. In this connexion, it would be desirable to provide for periodic surveys concerning the implementation of these recommendations.
59. My delegation considers that the idea could be advanced that, within the economic organs of the United Nations, measures should be prepared to protect the economic interests of developing countries which would recognize that States, after receiving political independence, have the right to reparation from former colonial Powers for damage caused to their economy during their period of colonial dependence. The interests of developing countries would also be served by the creation of a system of international economic relations which would ensure the practical implementation of the principles determining international trade relations and trade policies promoting development adopted by UNCTAD in 1964.
60. Almost everybody is agreed that foreign, state and private capital obtained by developing countries must be used in the interests of the developing countries themselves, in accordance with their own plans and programmes of development and their Internal legislation. This view was supported by the adoption of the proposal made at the last session of the Assembly by the Byelorussian SSR, which confirmed the rights of control of the developing countries over the activities of foreign investors. However, we still have to make clear in our decisions that treaties, agreements or individual obligations imposed on developing countries before or after the granting of independence, by means of military, political or economic pressure, can be revised or abrogated by developing countries if such treaties or agreements are Incompatible with the sovereignty of those States.
61. We are firmly convinced that these measures, if carried out, would certainly have a favourable effect on the economic situation in the developing countries and would create conditions for their participation as equals in international economic relations and in trade.
62. The United Nations occupies a worthy place in present-day international relations. The peoples of the world see it as an important instrument in the fight against aggression and for the maintenance of lasting peace. It is in duty bound to justify those hopes and to utilize every existing possibility to maintain and consolidate peace, to ensure general security and to develop all-round co-operation among the nations in the interests of prosperity and progress.